Mundubile Accuses UPND of Democratic Erosion, Economic Deception and Institutional Capture
In a raw, unfiltered Christmas-night conversation on KBN TV’s State of the Nation with Kennedy Mambwe, Patriotic Front Member of Parliament and presidential contender Hon. Brian Mundubile delivered a sweeping indictment of the United Party for National Development government, accusing it of presiding over democratic backsliding, economic deception, and institutional intimidation that has left Zambians “suffering in silence” at a moment traditionally associated with hope and renewal.
Mundubile framed his assessment around what he described as a profound national dissonance. While December 25 commemorates the birth of Christ, he said the country’s social and economic mood reflected exhaustion rather than celebration.
“Today doesn’t feel like Christmas,” Mundubile said, describing communities grappling with prolonged power outages, unpaid farmers, rising living costs, and households rationing essentials rather than festive meals. He said the disappearance of the Christmas spirit was not symbolic but rooted in lived hardship, with many families entering the holiday period without electricity, income certainty, or food security.
At the centre of his critique was President Hakainde Hichilema, whom Mundubile accused not only of failing to govern effectively but of actively dismantling democratic safeguards. He identified the December 15 passage of Constitution Amendment Bill No. 7 as a defining moment, calling it “the darkest day in our democratic history.”
Mundubile said the amendment, previously declared illegal by the Constitutional Court, was forced through Parliament by suspending Standing Orders to allow the second and third readings to be concluded in a single sitting. He described the move as a deliberate act of defiance against judicial authority and public participation, arguing that constitutional reform had been reduced to a numerical exercise rather than a national consensus process.
He disclosed that hours before the vote, he convened a meeting of Patriotic Front lawmakers to reaffirm opposition to the bill. Despite this, six of the 29 MPs who had earlier endorsed his presidential bid voted in favour of the amendment.
“They disappointed the entire nation,” Mundubile said, adding that the decision represented a betrayal not only of party positions but of constituents who expected Parliament to act as a constitutional firewall rather than a rubber stamp.
Beyond the constitutional process itself, Mundubile widened his critique to what he described as systematic erosion of institutional independence. He accused the Executive of fostering a climate of fear across the judiciary, legislature, and oversight bodies, saying the separation of powers had been hollowed out through intimidation and selective enforcement.
He cited the removal of three judges as evidence that judicial independence had been compromised, asserting that constitutional restraint had been replaced by executive convenience. Responsibility for this, he said, rested squarely with the Presidency.
“The backstops are the President,” Mundubile said. “It is his government appointing party cadres to the Judicial Complaints Commission, his administration setting the tone of fear. He bears ultimate responsibility.”
Turning to economic governance, Mundubile rejected official claims of recovery, dismissing reported 3.6 percent gross domestic product growth as disconnected from everyday reality. He said growth figures offered little comfort to farmers who had delivered maize months earlier but remained unpaid.
He challenged claims that funds had been secured for farmer payments, questioning why growers were still sleeping in bank corridors waiting for money that authorities insisted had already been released.
“If the funds exist, why the delay?” Mundubile asked. “This isn’t inefficiency. It’s deception.”
He said the impact of delayed payments extended beyond agriculture, feeding into rural poverty, disrupted planting cycles, and rising household debt as farmers borrowed informally to survive.
Mundubile also took aim at the government’s expanded Constituency Development Fund, describing it as a politically marketed illusion rather than a genuine development strategy. He said that over four years, nearly K900 billion had been approved in national budgets, yet only K19 billion, approximately 2.3 percent, had been allocated to CDF.
Even under perfect management, he argued, CDF could not deliver transformative development. He noted that a single rural water project costs more than K100 million, far exceeding what constituency-level allocations could realistically sustain.
“They market CDF to distract from the fact that central government has abandoned development,” he said, arguing that the state had retreated from national-scale planning while projecting decentralisation as progress.
On infrastructure, Mundubile challenged the Ministry of Infrastructure to identify a single nationally funded project completed under the current administration. Beyond the privately financed dual carriageway, he said there were no completed roads, bridges, hospitals, or major public works attributable to government capital investment.
He contrasted this with the Patriotic Front’s former approach of structured backbone infrastructure linking provinces and economic zones, accusing the current administration of pursuing development that was “random, reactive, and empty,” with no coherent national plan.
Mundubile said the consequences of these policies were visible across society. He cited youths on the Copperbelt who were promised mining equipment and licenses under social contracts but remained unemployed. He pointed to Mopani workers opting for voluntary separation despite high unemployment, and civil servants whose salaries had been steadily eroded by inflation, deductions, and rising living costs.
Despite the severity of his critique, Mundubile positioned his presidential ambition around a forward-looking economic agenda anchored in employment creation rather than social transfers. He said poverty could only be ended through jobs that restored dignity.
His proposed strategy centres on industrialisation across agriculture, mining, and tourism. In agriculture, he proposed establishing ten fully serviced farming blocks nationwide, equipped with irrigation, storage, and processing facilities, supported by outgrower schemes to generate large-scale employment and value addition before export.
In mining, Mundubile pledged strict enforcement of the Local Content Act, insisting that Zambian businesses must secure at least 40 percent of the estimated US$5 billion in annual mine supply contracts.
“This is not about press briefings,” he said. “It’s about structure. Employment creates dignity. Dignity ends poverty.”
Mundubile also addressed speculation that he was covertly aligned with the ruling party, dismissing the claims unequivocally. He said he had never met President Hichilema outside Parliament and had no private communication, favours, or arrangements with him.
“I am not a project,” he said. “I stand on my record.”
As the discussion concluded, Mundubile returned to what he described as his central motivation: restoring national hope. He said his pursuit of leadership was driven not by power, but by the need to rebuild trust, dignity, and opportunity in a country he believed had lost its way.
“I seek it to restore hope to the mother walking for water, the farmer waiting for payment, the youth with no future,” he said. “That is the Zambia I believe in.”
For many watching from homes darkened by load-shedding on Christmas night, Mundubile’s message resonated not merely as political critique, but as a reflection of a broader national reckoning over governance, justice, and economic direction.





Today doesn’t feel like Christmas. As Mundubile notes, Zambians are living with prolonged power outages, unpaid farmers, rising costs, and households rationing essentials. It is not a symbolic absence of the season but a lived hardship that erodes trust and certainty.
A fair reminder: governance is not only about milestones, but about measurable outcomes for citizens electricity, timely payments, and predictable prices. If these remain unsettled, the sense of “seasonal” hope fades into ongoing hardship, which challenges the democratic compact we all rely on.
Bottom line: governance is about real outcomes for people electricity, timely payments, and affordable living costs. When these are unsettled, the festive season loses its warmth, and public confidence in governance is affected.
Today doesn’t feel like Christmas. As Mundubile notes, Zambians are facing power outages, unpaid farmers, rising costs, and households cutting back on essentials. This is a real hardship, not a symbolic silence, and it affects trust and daily life.
Today doesn’t feel like Christmas.
Mundubile highlights real hardships: power outages, unpaid farmers, rising costs, and families cutting back on essentials. This isn’t a symbolic silence it’s the lived reality for many, affecting trust and daily life.
The article presents Mundubile’s view of hardship as a concrete, everyday issue affecting trust and daily life, rather than a symbolic moment.
This article presents Mundubile’s view of hardship as a concrete, everyday issue that affects trust and daily life. The arguments and findings are grounded in data, illustrating how hardship manifests in routine experiences rather than as a symbolic moment. The article specifies whether its evidence comes from data, case studies, or narrative anecdotes, helping readers see the practical impact on trust and daily functioning.
Not true, nothing UPND has done on all fronts that can match the tsunami done by the Panga Family (PF). Now we are investing into our future through free education, energy diversification, sustainable roads, local manicuring of fertilizers etc
Zambias’ GDP growth is cosmetic,reason why its not felt in the pocket of Zambians, hence the lecture from Dangote that there is no ggrowth in any country without energy. So where can growth come from with this 4 year loadshedding?
I want to thank the real and original MMD for introducing CDF in Zambia. I am also against lazy governments which just increases CDF amounts and claim to have worked. However, it is only industrialisation which develops countries and not CDF
Mundubile and Kalaba will split the opposition votes. All the other opposition parties do not have tangible plans seen and scrutinised by the public to give comfort for a real economic turn around. The current government may retain power despite visible failure because of opposition disorder. The feedback on the ground is as follows Mundubile will come first in the polls, the current failure will come second, and Kalaba a distant third. My personal research on the ground which must be respected,
I am just feeling sorry for the women, the youth and the disabled who think by being included in the expanded parliament in bill 7 that their economic situation and welfare will change. The regret will surely be instant. Even the people who have been blindly supporting this non priority constitutional amendment will not talk for them. Countries world over only develop through industrialisation and not through constitutional amendments.
UPND has failed but opposition parties in Zambia are not serious. Look at the non existent Economic Front, which instead of talking about economic emancipation for Zambians, they would rather bad mouth late ECL
This grz’s true colours haven’t been shown yet
Some people are just good at talking and critising others. Mundubile’s constituency is a small one. It’s not as big as kamfinsa or kanchibiya, but no tangible development is taking place there. If he can’t manage just a a small constituency, how can he manage a country? All what mundubile says is just out of jealous, hatred and other isms against HH