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Why UPND Enters 2026 as the Party to Beat

The road to the 2026 general elections is increasingly being defined by a clear contrast between governance delivery and opposition disarray. The peaceful conduct of the Chawama parliamentary by-election, coupled with measurable policy outcomes under the United Party for National Development (UPND), has reinforced the ruling party’s structural advantage, even in moments where it has not emerged victorious at the ballot.

President Hakainde Hichilema openly commended political parties and independent candidates for maintaining calm and orderly campaigns in Chawama and other wards. He observed that the atmosphere stood in sharp contrast to past elections marked by violence, intimidation, and restricted political interaction. While on a working vacation attending to farming activities in Southern Province, the President continued to receive daily briefings and expressed satisfaction that political actors were able to engage freely and respectfully throughout the campaign period.

Following the by-election, State House challenged opposition figures who had alleged rigging and the existence of ghost polling stations to present evidence now that the process had concluded. At the same time, the President congratulated the winning candidate and praised the Electoral Commission of Zambia, law-enforcement agencies, and voters for conducting a peaceful and credible poll. The message was deliberate: democracy must be respected whether outcomes favour the ruling party or not.

Chawama is therefore instructive. UPND lost the seat, but gained something more consequential for 2026: proof that elections under its administration can be competitive, peaceful, and accepted without coercion or violence. The President’s response reflected institutional maturity, reinforcing confidence in democratic processes rather than undermining them. That posture matters to a growing segment of voters who value stability and order as much as political change.

Beyond elections, UPND’s position going into 2026 is anchored in delivery across key sectors. In education, free primary and secondary schooling has been restored nationwide and entrenched in law, bringing nearly 2.3 million children back into classrooms. More than 45,000 teachers have been recruited, student meal allowances at public universities reinstated, and hundreds of thousands of desks distributed to address long-standing shortages. Skills bursaries and student loan support have widened access to higher education.

In health, over 14,000 health workers have been recruited to address staffing gaps, while increased allocations for medicines and supplies have improved availability. Using expanded Constituency Development Fund (CDF) resources, councils have constructed more than 1,000 health posts, bringing services closer to communities.

CDF itself has become one of the most visible governance shifts.K40 million per constituency, translating to over K6.2 billion nationally. This decentralisation has funded classrooms, health facilities, community roads, equipment, and empowerment loans, changing how development is experienced at local level.

On the economy, Zambia’s debt restructuring has restored macro-economic credibility and eased long-term pressure on public finances. Investor confidence has followed, with announced commitments including a US$1.25 billion expansion at Kansanshi Mine and a US$2 billion investment in the Mingomba copper deposit. These developments have been reinforced by sovereign credit rating upgrades in late 2025, signalling international confidence in Zambia’s reform trajectory.

Equally significant has been the stabilisation of the kwacha. Historically, the festive season brought predictable currency weakness as demand for foreign exchange surged. This pattern was broken in late 2025, when the kwacha held firm and strengthened. Strong copper performance played a role, but policy choices mattered more. The Bank of Zambia’s directive requiring domestic transactions to be conducted in kwacha curtailed dollarisation, triggering conversions that lifted the currency to its strongest levels in over two years.

Structural reforms have also reduced pressure on foreign exchange. Zambia has moved from spending about US$600 million annually importing fertiliser to becoming a net exporter to the region. Cabinet approval to export surplus maize, exceeding 500,000 tonnes, has further turned agriculture from a forex drain into a source of earnings. These shifts reflect a broader move toward export diversification and import substitution grounded in domestic production.

Governance reforms have reinforced institutional order. Political interference in markets and bus stations has been curtailed, the death penalty abolished, laws criminalising defamation of the president repealed, and the Access to Information Act enacted. Media space has widened, and the rule of law has been emphasised as a cornerstone of stability.

Cost-of-living pressures remain a challenge for many households, a reality the government has acknowledged. Yet, taken together, the record shows a governing party focused on stabilisation, reform, and delivery while maintaining democratic openness.

Set against this is an opposition landscape marked by fragmentation across parties, alliances, and factions. Disputes over authority and leadership have dominated headlines, diverting attention from coherent policy alternatives. In a first-past-the-post system, such fragmentation dilutes votes and weakens mobilisation.

The lesson from Chawama is not rejection, but affirmation. Peaceful competition, credible administration, and acceptance of outcomes strengthen democracy. Those gains, combined with delivery across education, health, decentralisation, and economic stabilisation, explain why UPND enters the 2026 horizon from a position of strength. Unless the opposition undertakes a holistic reset that goes beyond individual parties or alliances, the structural balance continues to favour the ruling party.

Mundubile Caught Between Party Loyalty and Alliance Momentum

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Mundubile Caught Between Party Loyalty and Alliance Momentum
Brian Mundubile finds himself at a pivotal moment in his political career, positioned at the intersection of Patriotic Front internal disputes and the Tonse Alliance’s struggle for operational clarity. His recent participation in a contested alliance meeting has elevated him from peripheral observer to central actor in a debate that extends beyond procedure into the future direction of opposition politics.

As leader of PF Members of Parliament and a declared presidential aspirant, Mundubile commands significant institutional influence. His standing among MPs provides him with leverage unmatched by many of his contemporaries. However, that influence also places expectations upon him to provide direction at a time when PF’s legitimacy is under sustained challenge.

Mundubile’s attendance at the Tonse meeting has been interpreted through competing lenses. For some, it signals willingness to engage with alliance structures seeking to move beyond PF’s courtroom battles. For others, it raises concerns about bypassing established party authority and exacerbating internal divisions.

The dilemma reflects a broader strategic tension. Remaining anchored exclusively to PF’s traditional structures risks tying leadership ambitions to a party still navigating legal uncertainty. Aligning openly with Tonse’s reformist impulses carries the risk of alienating loyalists who view alliance autonomy as displacement rather than renewal.

Recent by-election outcomes have demonstrated that voter behaviour is increasingly shaped by identity, legacy, and coalition appeal rather than procedural disputes. This reality places pressure on opposition leaders to prioritise broad-based mobilisation over internal gatekeeping.

For Mundubile, the challenge is not merely personal positioning but the demonstration of unifying capacity. Leadership in a fragmented environment demands decisions that reduce uncertainty rather than compound it. Delay or ambiguity risks leaving him influential yet constrained, a scenario that ultimately advantages incumbency.

As 2026 approaches, Mundubile’s choices will signal whether he intends to serve as a bridge between fractured structures or emerge as another figure defined by unresolved disputes. The stakes extend beyond individual ambition, shaping the opposition’s ability to present a credible alternative to voters seeking change.

 

Opposition Infighting Reduces Pressure on Incumbency

Opposition Infighting Reduces Pressure on Incumbency

The unfolding dispute within the Tonse Alliance has underscored a recurring challenge in Zambia’s opposition politics: the difficulty of resolving leadership and legitimacy questions before they erupt into public confrontation. While the disagreement is framed in procedural terms, its broader political impact is already shaping the landscape ahead of the 2026 general elections.

Central to this current impasse is a disagreement over authority, with rival factions advancing competing claims about who possesses the mandate to convene meetings, set nomination fees, and define alliance membership. The absence of a decisive judicial intervention has allowed political interpretation to dominate, transforming internal governance issues into public political spectacle.

This dynamic has significant implications. Electoral history suggests that opposition movements gain momentum when they present clarity, discipline, and a coherent alternative programme. Conversely, sustained internal disputes tend to erode voter confidence, particularly among undecided voters who prioritise stability and administrative competence.

The Tonse Alliance crisis has also revealed the extent to which unresolved Patriotic Front leadership disputes continue to influence broader opposition coordination. Rather than serving as a stabilising anchor, PF’s internal fragmentation has become a source of uncertainty for alliance partners, complicating efforts to project unity.

From the perspective of the ruling UPND, this environment reduces immediate political pressure. Even where dissatisfaction exists over economic conditions, inflation, or public services, opposition actors are spending political capital addressing internal disagreements rather than articulating a single national message.

Fragmentation further dilutes the protest vote. In a first-past-the-post system, divided opposition parties can collectively command significant support while still failing to translate that support into electoral victory. This mathematical reality places a premium on unity, something the Tonse dispute currently undermines.

The leadership question also affects succession dynamics. Without a clearly consolidated opposition figure, potential challengers remain vulnerable to internal contestation. This delays the emergence of a single focal point around which discontent can coalesce, granting incumbents valuable time.

As the election cycle progresses, the strategic cost of unresolved disputes will increase. Mobilisation, fundraising, and nationwide coordination cannot be improvised at short notice. The longer uncertainty persists, the more structural advantage accrues to an incumbent party that, regardless of popularity, retains organisational cohesion.


Tonse Alliance Rift Exposes Opposition Fault Lines Before 2026

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Tonse Alliance Rift Exposes Opposition Fault Lines Before 2026
The Tonse Alliance has been plunged into renewed internal discord following contradictory positions taken by senior political figures over the legitimacy of a recent alliance meeting and subsequent administrative decisions, a development that is increasingly being viewed as advantageous to the ruling United Party for National Development as the 2026 general elections approach.

The dispute centres on a meeting convened by a faction associated with Dr Dan Pule and Zumani Zimba, during which resolutions were adopted affecting the Patriotic Front’s standing within the Tonse Alliance. Following the meeting, the faction announced that aspiring candidates would be required to pay K50,000 as a nomination fee, a move interpreted by critics as an assertion of operational authority.

However, Given Lubinda, acting as Patriotic Front Acting President and Acting Chairperson of the Tonse Alliance, rejected the meeting’s outcomes. Lubinda stated that the gathering had been irregularly convened and lacked his authority, calling instead for a Council of Leaders meeting to be held after the conclusion of ongoing by-elections.

The disagreement has drawn heightened attention because Brian Mundubile, a PF Member of Parliament and declared presidential aspirant, attended the contested meeting. His presence has been interpreted differently by rival camps, with some describing it as participation in an unauthorised process, while others argue it reflects engagement within alliance structures at a time when Tonse is attempting to assert independence from PF’s internal legal disputes.

No court order has been publicly produced to either validate or restrain the actions taken by either faction, leaving the matter suspended in political contention rather than judicial determination.

Beyond the immediate disagreement, the dispute has exposed deeper structural weaknesses within the opposition landscape. While recent by-elections have demonstrated voter dissatisfaction with economic conditions and governance challenges, opposition parties remain divided along organisational and leadership lines. These divisions have repeatedly shifted public attention away from policy alternatives and toward internal authority disputes.

For the ruling United Party for National Development, the fragmentation presents a strategic opening. Political analysts note that incumbents often benefit when opposition forces fail to consolidate messaging, leadership, and mobilisation structures. In such environments, electoral outcomes can be shaped less by popularity and more by organisational coherence.

The Tonse Alliance dispute also complicates fundraising, candidate deployment, and coordination of polling agents, all of which are critical components of a national campaign. Without a clearly recognised command structure, alliance partners risk operating at cross purposes, weakening their collective capacity to challenge incumbency.

As the 2026 election cycle draws nearer, the unresolved nature of the Tonse–PF relationship raises questions about whether opposition actors can move beyond internal disputes and present a unified alternative. Until such clarity emerges, the ruling party remains insulated from sustained, coordinated pressure, not by its own strength alone, but by the visible divisions among those seeking to replace it.

A chat with a politician – a must read for Political Lahead of the 2026 General Elections

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A chat with a politician – a must read for Political Lahead of the 2026 General Elections

By Brian Matambo | Lusaka, Zambia

This was a private conversation with a political heavyweight in Zambia. I will not name the person. What matters is the substance of what we talked about, because it captures with unsettling clarity the crossroads at which the opposition now stands as the country approaches the 2026 general elections.

In the wake of the Chawama by-election won by the Tonse Alliance on the FDD ticket, the conversation revolved around one central warning: the opposition risks collective failure, not because the ruling party is invincible, but because ego, celebrity politics, and selfish calculation at the top are blocking strategic clarity.

My counterpart began by drawing a sharp and uncomfortable distinction between ordinary citizens and political leaders. The ordinary people, they argued, are far more alert to the real danger facing the country than the elites who claim to lead them. The failure is not at the base. It is at the top. Leaders are too busy protecting their positions, their visibility, and their personal relevance to confront the existential stakes of this moment. If leaders do not first grasp the danger, the message cannot filter down to the people who actually carry the vote.

I then introduced what I believe is the psychological core of the problem. Many contemporary politicians are not driven by ideology, policy, or national duty. They are driven by the desire for celebrityhood. Politics has become a shortcut to recognition. Artists, musicians, and actors work for years before applause finds them. Politicians, by contrast, want to step straight onto the red carpet. Titles, motorcades, and the intoxicating repetition of “Honourable” become addictive.

This produces a specific fear. It is not primarily the fear of losing state power, because many of these politicians privately know they are unlikely to win it anyway. The deeper fear is losing relevance, losing the limelight, losing the sense of being somebody. That is why stepping aside for a stronger candidate becomes psychologically impossible, even when it is strategically obvious.

This, more than ideology, explains why weak candidates insist on running, why fragmentation persists, and why unity talks repeatedly collapse. It also explains why, as I bluntly put it in the conversation, useless people enter politics. Politics has become an identity crutch rather than a service platform.

We then turned to the by-elections in Chawama and Petauke. We agreed that these were not isolated contests. They were protest votes against the ruling party. The ruling party was deeply unwanted in those constituencies, particularly because of their symbolic association with the late Dr. Edgar Chagwa Lungu. The electorate’s message was not subtle. Whoever best represented opposition sentiment stood to benefit.

I insisted these elections should have been used as a temperature check by opposition leaders. Instead, some leaders spun third-place finishes as victories, or worse, as proof of relevance. A distant third, especially where the gap between second and third is wide, is not competitive. It is relegation. Dressing it up as success is self-deception.

I openly ridiculed the logic that merely participating among “over 200 registered political parties” is a win. In a high-stakes national moment, participation without impact is political noise, not leadership.

Our discussion then shifted to data, because politics without data is guesswork masquerading as strategy. I shared findings from my own data-driven analysis. Southern Province is structurally difficult terrain for opposition forces, particularly since the emergence of UPND. Historical voting patterns from 1996 onward show deeply entrenched behaviour. Since UPND began contesting seriously in 2001, it has consistently posted above-average results in Southern Province, starting around 72 percent and climbing to over 90 percent support. Parliamentary dominance followed naturally.

By contrast, PF’s performance in Southern Province has historically been marginal, at times falling below one percent, with humiliating vote gaps in certain by-elections. The conclusion is unavoidable. Southern Province is not where elections are won for the opposition. Pretending otherwise is strategic fantasy.

The analysis then broadened to Lusaka and the Copperbelt, where trends are more fluid and therefore more decisive. Here, the data tells a different story. PF once dominated Lusaka, but its support declined as UPND rose, effectively swapping places. Similar patterns appear on the Copperbelt. Unlike Southern Province, these regions respond to performance, economics, and lived experience.

At this point, my counterpart quoted New Heritage Party President Madam Chishala Kateka who once said that UPND was an attractive opposition, but it is not an attractive incumbent. In power, the party has failed to generate goodwill, tangible improvement, or a season of favour. Unlike previous governments that at least enjoyed a honeymoon period, UPND never truly secured one. Discontent has been present almost from day one.

This is reinforced by contrasting UPND with MMD and PF. Both MMD and PF experienced periods where citizens felt progress or optimism, even if those periods later collapsed. UPND never crossed that threshold of broad public satisfaction.

I added that economic messaging alone is insufficient. Macro indicators, international praise, and flattering foreign headlines mean little to voters whose daily reality is defined by grocery prices, transport costs, and shrinking disposable income. Voters do not live in The Guardian’s economy. They live in Pick n Pay, Choopies, Shoprite, Mtendere Market, in real life on the ground.

I then raised what I believe is one of the most strategically underestimated forces in Zambian politics: the Catholic Church. With millions of adherents, it is a massive moral and electoral constituency. I warned that pastoral messaging focused on injustice, abuse of widows, persecution, and moral authority could decisively shape voter sentiment in the final weeks of a campaign. I noted how quickly even individuals previously aligned with UPND reacted when Archbishop Alick Banda was targeted. Loyalties shift fast when moral lines are crossed.

Eventually, the conversation then returned to opposition fragmentation, betrayal, and manipulation. My counterpart was blunt. Ruling parties fund confusion in the opposition. Some small parties are not meant to win. And I added that their function is to destabilise, delay, withdraw at critical moments, and weaken collective strength. Politicians linger, posture, and wait for inducements. They do not defect early because the best price is paid late.

Judas figures will always exist. Some betray out of malice. Others out of convenience. Others simply because money appeared on the way home. My counterpart lamented that trust, therefore, cannot be assumed. Systems must be built that anticipate betrayal rather than being shocked by it.

Egypt vs Nigeria: fire up the AFCON 2025 bronze final with 1xBet!

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The battle for the title of Africa’s strongest football nation is nearing its conclusion – it’s time to grab a front-row ticket to the exciting show. Follow the link to the best sports betting site and bet on the Egypt vs Nigeria match. 1xBet,the official sponsor of AFCON 2025, has many interesting markets and detailed statistics to help you make informed and responsible decisions. The big football tournament is in full swing: the teams will fight for a consolation prize in the form of bronze medals and a chance to end the competition on a high note.

Egypt’s broken dreams

The 7-time African champions were left without a trophy once again. In the AFCON 2021 final remake, Mohamed Salah and his teammates failed to tame the Senegal national team’s spirit and will to win. At the end of the match, Sadio Mané’s crazy long shot caught Mohamed El Shenawy off guard and sent the Lions of Teranga to the final.

Despite the efforts of star attacking duo Mohamed Salah and Omar Marmoush,Egypt struggled to create scoring opportunities throughout the tournament. This was also the case in the match against Senegal: the Pharaohs only managed to take one shot on target, with their xG amounting to just 0.12.To snatch the bronze medals from Victor Osimhen and Ademola Lookman,
Egypt need to improve their counterattacking play. The rapid runs of Salah and Marmoush could force Nigeria to capitulate.

Luck turned its back on Nigeria

The Super Eagles won fans’ hearts with their spectacular and entertaining play,becoming the highest-scoring team in the tournament with 14 goals in 6 games.However, in the semi-finals, Morocco managed to stifle their attacking momentum. The Atlas Lions simply didn’t let their opponents get going and took the match to a penalty shootout.

The fate of the ticket to the final was decided by Yassine Bounou, who showed miraculous reflexes. Nigeria once again stopped one step away from the trophy and will try to redeem themselves in the battle for third place.The Super Eagles had arrived in high spirits for their match against Morocco,throwing a carnival-like party in the players’ tunnel with singing and dancing.

In the game against Egypt, they’ll need more concentration and composure to convert their scoring opportunities and finish the tournament with medals for the second time in a row.

Who will win the bronze medals?

Considering the teams’ current form and rosters, Nigeria are considered the favorites. Their H2H history points to equal chances — in their last 5 encounters, the Super Eagles and the Pharaohs have each won twice, with another match ending in a draw.

Odds: W1 – 3.565, X – 3.155, W2 – 2.363

The best sports betting site 1xBet will bring more excitement to the game:
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Hichilema’s Chawama Defeat: An August Reckoning?

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By Kapya Kaoma

President Hakainde Hichilema self-inflicted embarrassment in Chawama confirms the Bemba saying, “umwana ekalisha elyo anya.”

One wonders why he forced a by-election in Chawama so close to the general election–it was just poor politics. Now everyone knows how weak he is–he has lost to the most disorganized opposition. Indeed, pride comes after the fall. Even attempts to rig didn’t work.

HH holds power, but today, he knows that the myth that Zambia has no opposition was shattered in Chawama. What the president faces is no longer a political party—it is the Zambian people themselves. It is time he confronted that reality. His much-celebrated Bill 7 may yet haunt him. Zambians are not stupid.

I am not among those who believe a Southern Province vote will save this presidency. It won’t. Hichilema’s political capital is exhausted. His presidency is already history.

I said the same about President Edgar Lungu, but the comparison matters. Lungu, for all his failures, governed with visible outcomes. Roads were built. New state of the art Airports expanded. Hospitals opened. Cities changed. I condemned him for unleashing cadres and tolerating abuse, but development happened under his watch. There was something tangible to point to. What, then, does President Hichilema point to? Nada!

He arrived branding himself “Mr. Clean.” Five years later, Zambia is drowning in corruption allegations, patronage politics, and selective justice. Opposition leaders have been absorbed, institutions compromised, and watchdogs neutralized.

The Anti-Corruption Commission and the Drug Enforcement Commission operate under his authority, yet scandals multiply while investigations target only those linked to the previous administration. The man who promised to declare his assets has ruled for five years without doing so.

Zambians still do not know what he owns, who his business partners are, or how many companies doing business with the state are linked to him. Transparency was promised; secrecy delivered. This is not reform. It is the new dawn of corruption. Even the law is applied selectively.

Hate speech is tolerated when it is spoken in Choma, but criminalized when uttered in the Northern Province. Tribalism, it seems, only exists outside Southern Province. Patriotic Zambians are told who to vote for—or face consequences. Had such language been directed at Bembas, arrests would have followed. We remember what happened to Kambwili.

These contradictions have destroyed the president’s credibility. Hichilema lied his way into office and forgot that lies have consequences. Instead of confronting the truth, he treated Zambians as though they had no memory.

But people remember. Promises were made and broken. Lives grew harder. Suffering deepened. While citizens endured economic pain, the president expanded his comforts, occupying multiple State Houses and insisting conditions were better than before.

Zambians know otherwise. They are living the reality. Chawama is not an accident. It is a warning. But it is only the beginning.

No amount of money will erase memory. On August 13, President Hichilema will learn what President Lungu learned before him: regional loyalty is not enough. Just as the Eastern vote could not save Lungu, the Southern vote will not save Hichilema.

Power fades. The people remain. UPND will be crying too! As with PF, Kapya Kaoma will be blamed for its demise.

ZAMBIA, DRC STRENGTHEN SECURITY MEASURES FOR TRUCKERS

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Zambia and the Democratic Republic of Congo have resolved to strengthen security measures along high-risk trucking roads in both countries to guarantee safety for cross-border truck drivers.

This was revealed in a Communique issued and signed by Minister of Defence Ambrose Lufuma, alongside his DRC counterpart, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Interior, Security, Decentralisation and Traditional Affairs, Jacquemain Shabani Lukoo at the just ended 14th JPC on Defence and Security in DRC.

The media reports that the move by the Commission aims to ensure the safety of cross-border truck drivers operating in the region, against attacks, and in line with the international norms and regional protocols.

Regarding the facilitation of commerce and trade, the Commission took note of security challenges that the truck drivers face as they transit through the DRC while transporting goods.

The 14th JPC on Defence and Security also noted with concern the continued insecurity in the eastern DRC, reaffirming its support for interventions aimed at resolving the insecurity.

Zambia and the DRC further underscored the need for international trade not to be affected by attacks on truck drivers.

Meanwhile, truck drivers have welcomed the resolution on the safety of truckers, citing the attacks faced when transporting goods in that country.

A Tanzanian truck driver Ali Yousuf expressed sadness at the way foreign truck drivers have been treated as they transit, stressing that it would be a positive move if the agreed enhancement of security is implemented.

While, Nkumbu Sikalangwe, a Zambian truck driver, welcomed the move, noting that it should be adhered to as resolved by the two nations.

Business Without a Business Plan: How Modern Zambian Entrepreneurs Start by Doing, Not Planning

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By Dr Sidney Kawimbe

In Zambia’s dynamic economic landscape, a new breed of entrepreneurs is emerging, young innovators and small-scale business owners who are building ventures based on action, experimentation, and adapting to real-world demand rather than on elaborate business plans. For decades, the traditional narrative of entrepreneurship emphasised detailed business plans, lengthy documents with projections, market analysis, and financial forecasts. Today, many Zambian entrepreneurs are proving that you do not need a formal business plan to begin creating value and earning income; instead, they are learning in real time, refining their ideas through direct engagement with customers.

Real Markets, Real Learning

Across Lusaka, Kitwe, Ndola and beyond, numerous small enterprises, from mobile social-media services to agricultural trading, are taking off as founders “learn by doing,” a phrase that reminds the author of his time at Technical and Vocational Teachers’ College Centre (TVTC) during the Tech 61 teaching course, where practical, hands-on learning was strongly emphasized. Many entrepreneurs start with what they have: a skill, a tool, a phone and an Instagram or WhatsApp account. They try selling a service or product, gauge customer response, adjust pricing, and gradually build trust and revenue without a formal plan drafted on paper. This approach mirrors global shifts toward lean entrepreneurship, where the emphasis is on testing a concept, responding to feedback, and refining a product often in iterative, short cycles. Instead of forecasting five years ahead, founders ask: What can we learn this month? Such grounded action is especially relevant in Zambia, where mobile penetration and digital platforms have expanded opportunity for informal and online commerce. Mobile apps and social media, for example, are increasingly used to connect buyers and sellers, facilitate transactions, and promote services, reducing the need for traditional offline setups.

From Informal Hustles to Scalable Ventures

This “start first, plan later” mindset has particular resonance among Zambia’s youth, many of whom face structural barriers to formal business registration and financing. While the government and private sector have made progress in empowering small businesses with initiatives to formalise and support micro, small and medium enterprises (MSMEs) access to finance and market linkages remains a challenge for many without formal documentation. Nevertheless, entrepreneurship is increasingly seen as a viable pathway to employment and income generation. Government figures and experts alike have called on youths to engage in business and agriculture as means of self-employment and job creation, highlighting the potential of local enterprise to drive economic participation.

For many grassroots entrepreneurs, a detailed business plan may come later when they have initial traction, revenue, and a clearer picture of customer demand. Early efforts focus instead on building networks, finding customers, and demonstrating value. Practical experience, rather than hypothetical plans, becomes the foundation for future growth.

Benefits of Starting with Action

There are several advantages to beginning without a formal business plan:
• Lower costs and faster start-up: Without months spent on planning, founders can begin earning sooner.
• Adaptability: Real customer interactions provide immediate feedback that can shape products and services.
• Learning through doing: Entrepreneurs develop practical skills in marketing, pricing, negotiation and customer service simply by engaging in the market.

This model has broadened access to entrepreneurship for segments of the population who may not have formal training or business education but possess strong motivation and creativity.

Balancing Planning and Action

Experts, however, caution that while starting without a business plan can be effective, some level of planning and record-keeping becomes essential as enterprises grow. Managing finances, tracking expenses and planning for sustainability are key skills that can help ventures evolve from informal hustles into mature small businesses that contribute more fully to the economy.

Indeed, Zambia’s broader development agenda recognises the importance of supporting SMEs with training, financing and market access bridging the gap between early action and structured growth.

A Practical Path Forward

In Zambia’s entrepreneurial ecosystem, the story of business without a business plan is not about recklessness. It is about pragmatism: starting with what you have, learning directly from the market, and using real experiences to inform future decisions. By embracing this approach, many Zambians are discovering that entrepreneurship is not an abstract blueprint on paper, but a lived journey shaped by customers, opportunity, and resilience, proving that action can indeed be the first step toward sustainable business success.

The Author is a Senior Lecturer in Business at ZCAS University

NORTH-WESTERN FARMERS ASSURED

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North-Western Province Permanent Secretary Colonel Grandson Katambi (Retired) has assured farmers in the Province that all funds owed to them will be disbursed, with Banks expected to receive the money.

Colonel Katambi said the Office of the District Commissioner will work closely with financial institutions to ensure that all affected farmers are paid promptly.

He made the remarks during the 2026 Tree Planting exercise Launch in Solwezi today.

“Be assured that those of you who sold maize to the Food Reserve Agency (FRA) will be paid, the President Hakainde Hichilema has sourced the funds and all farmers will receive their dues,” Colonel Katambi said.

The Permanent Secretary urged farmers not to worry, noting that the President places high priority on their welfare, in recognition of the critical role they play in ensuring National food security.

Meanwhile, North-Western Province Principal Forestry Officer Lasford Champo has called on residents to go beyond planting trees and ensure they nurture them to maturity.

He emphasised that tree planting should not be treated as a ceremonial activity, but as a practical step towards environmental restoration and strengthening community resilience.

“The success of today’s efforts will not be measured by the number of trees planted, but by the number of trees that survive,” Mr Champo said.

And Kansanshi Mine Agriculture and Wildlife Coordinator Jackson Katampi disclosed that the mining firm plans to plant more than 10,000 trees in 2026.

Dr Katampi further appealed to all stakeholders to work together in contributing positively to the fight against climate change.

1xBet Zambia gave away Samsung Galaxy A16 smartphone and other top prizes in New Year promo

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Throughout all three days, promo guests enjoyed a friendly atmosphere, exciting vibes, and watched thrilling football matches on Royal Park’s big screens.

Super prize draw

On the last day of the promo, December 28, 2025, 1xBet gave away the main prize –a cool Samsung Galaxy A16 smartphone. The lucky winner was Yorum Mofya from Libala South, who immediately received the box with the new smartphone!

“This is my first time joining a 1xBet promo, and I was pleasantly shocked that my very first try was a win! I recommend everyone who hasn’t joined a 1xBet promo yet to do so. The prizes here are really cool, and there’s always a chance to win!” said Yorum Mofya.

1xBet regularly runs major promos with valuable prizes, bonuses, and free bets.Simple rules and real gifts make these promos a great chance to try your luck — you could be the next winner!

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Construction of Kasumbalesa Border post advances

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Construction of the Kasumbalesa One-Stop Border Post in Chililabombwe District has made steady progress, reaching at about 30 percent completion.

Copperbelt Province Minister Elisha Matambo, who toured the site, said the project will significantly transform the Kasumbalesa border through modern infrastructure and a concrete parking facility for truck drivers.

Mr Matambo noted that the current environment at the border is not conducive, but the ongoing works will modernise the facility as promised by President Hakainde Hichilema.

The Minister expressed satisfaction with the pace and quality of works, adding that the contractor has adequate machinery to complete the project.

 He said once phase one is completed, the project will create employment opportunities for local people and deliver durable infrastructure that will last for many years.

 “I should mention that the President who is expected to visit the province will commission the border post once completed,” Mr Matambo said.

Meanwhile, Zmart Project Manager Mwenda Silumell said the terminal building design is complete, with much of last year’s work focused on addressing truck parking challenges caused by waterlogging.

Mr Silumell revealed that upon completion, the facility will accommodate about 2,000 trucks, with 10 ablution blocks and nine canteens for drivers.

He explained that the border post will introduce upgraded features, including triple transhipment, enabling about 30 trucks to be transhipped simultaneously.

“Officers are expected to move into the new building by the end of May,” he said.

And Zambia Revenue Authority Border Facility Manager Nasa Lungu added that the new border post will include a fire station to enhance disaster preparedness.

He indicated that ZRA looks forward to operating from the new facility which will have improved systems and controls

Over 2,000 desks procured in Lavushimanda

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Government through the 2023 Constituency Development Fund (CDF) has procured 2,023 school desks at a cost of over K3.2 million in Lavushimanda District in Muchinga Province.

Speaking in an interview with the media, Lavushimanda District Public Relations Officer (PRO) Stella Simutowe said the desks were procured in order to ensure schools are equipped with sufficient desks.

Ms Simutowe explained that the desks were procured to enhance the pupils capability to learn in a conducive environment.

“Under 2023, we procured 1,606 desks going to primary and secondary schools at a total of K2,580,800 and we also procured 417 ECE desks which was going at a total cost of K625,000, with the total amounting to K3, 205, 800,” she said.

And Lavushimanda District Education Board Secretary (DEBS) Beatus Nshenda noted that the development has highly motivated pupils to go to school.

He added that the procurement of desks has increased the performance of learners in schools.

“Desks have made our pupils learn in a conducive environment, they are happy to go to school because they know that they are going to sit properly than the way it used to be in the past,” Mr Nshenda stated.

He said that the government should continue providing such services so that delivery of education is improved.

And a Headteacher of Mununga Primary School in Lavushimanda District, Richard Mwenya said through the procurement of desks, enrollment has increased at his school.

Mr Mwenya said that all the classes at the school have enough desks to accommodate all learners.

“At Mununga Primary School, we previously had less than 600 learners, but as of now the number has escalated to 900 learners,” he said.

UPND Runing out of Time – Changala

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UPND Runing out of Time – Changala
Opposition political commentator and activist Brebner Changala has accused the ruling United Party for National Development of acting out of desperation as it seeks to retain power ahead of the August general elections.

Changala said recent political conduct by the ruling party reflects growing anxiety about its electoral prospects. He argued that instead of focusing on governance and service delivery, the UPND has increasingly resorted to aggressive political tactics aimed at suppressing dissent and weakening opposition forces.

According to Changala, the political environment has shifted significantly since the ruling party assumed office, with public patience wearing thin amid economic pressure and unmet expectations. He said the government’s response to criticism suggests an administration struggling to maintain legitimacy.

Changala pointed to what he described as selective application of the law, heightened intolerance toward opposing views, and increased political confrontations. He said these trends were inconsistent with democratic principles and raised concern about the direction of governance.

He argued that desperation often manifests when incumbents sense declining support. Changala said actions taken in recent months, including confrontations with opposition figures and heightened political rhetoric, indicated a ruling party preparing for a difficult electoral contest.

Changala also criticised what he described as the ruling party’s reliance on state visibility and institutional advantage. He said while incumbency provides access to resources and platforms, such advantages do not guarantee electoral success when public confidence erodes.

He said the upcoming elections would test whether voters prioritise accountability and performance over incumbency. Changala maintained that Zambians are increasingly conscious of the difference between political messaging and lived reality.

Changala further warned that desperation-driven politics carries risks for national stability. He said escalating tensions and confrontational tactics could undermine public trust in democratic institutions if not checked.

He urged the ruling party to respect political competition and uphold democratic norms as the election approaches. Changala said tolerance of opposing views and adherence to constitutional principles were essential to maintaining political stability.

Changala also addressed the opposition, saying unity and discipline would be critical in presenting a credible alternative. He said disorganisation within opposition ranks would only strengthen incumbency advantage.

He argued that the August election would be shaped by voter perception of fairness, leadership conduct, and economic conditions. Changala said desperation politics often backfires when voters perceive leaders as prioritising survival over service.

He maintained that political authority ultimately derives from the electorate and warned that attempts to cling to power through intimidation or manipulation risk long-term damage to democratic credibility.

Changala said the ruling party still had an opportunity to recalibrate its approach, but insisted that voters would render their judgment at the ballot.

Some Opposition Parties Are Secretly Backed by UPND – Fube

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Chilubi Member of Parliament Mulenga Fube has alleged that some opposition political parties that participated in the Chawama parliamentary by-election were sponsored by the ruling United Party for National Development, accusing them of deliberately working to divide the opposition vote.

Fube said the decision by certain opposition parties to field their own candidates instead of supporting a single candidate under the Tonse Alliance amounted to acting as paid mercenaries on behalf of the ruling party. He said such conduct weakened collective opposition efforts and handed an advantage to the UPND.

He described the behaviour as shocking, stating that the refusal by some parties to cooperate contradicted the broader call for opposition unity ahead of the August general elections. Fube said opposition parties that genuinely sought political change should have prioritised collective action over individual ambitions.

Fube alleged that some opposition leaders spent more time attacking fellow opposition figures than challenging the ruling party, a pattern he said raised serious questions about their independence. He said the conduct suggested the presence of hidden sponsorship arrangements designed to fragment the opposition.

He said the Chawama by-election provided clear evidence that unity was possible and effective when opposition parties worked together. According to Fube, the outcome of the by-election demonstrated that a united front could defeat the ruling party.

Fube said the opposition’s failure to act collectively in certain cases benefited the UPND by splitting votes and confusing voters. He said such strategies undermined the democratic process and eroded public trust in opposition politics.

He also accused some members within opposition ranks of applying double standards, saying it was disturbing that even individuals within established parties appeared willing to work against collective interests. Fube said such behaviour weakened the credibility of the opposition as a whole.

Fube called on opposition parties to reassess their positions and recommit to unity if they were serious about removing the UPND from power. He said ego-driven politics and personal calculations had no place in a movement seeking national change.

He said opposition unity was not optional but necessary, warning that continued fragmentation would only prolong the ruling party’s hold on power. Fube said the lesson from Chawama should guide opposition strategy going forward.

Fube maintained that opposition politics must be grounded in discipline, cooperation, and shared purpose. He said the electorate had shown a clear preference for unity and expected leaders to rise above individual interests.