Friday, March 29, 2024

Analysis of the cat and mouse relationship between Bemba politicians and Bemba chiefs- Part 2

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Paramount Chief Chitimukulu Henry Kanyanta Sosala
Paramount Chief Chitimukulu Henry Kanyanta Sosala and politician Emmanuel Mwamba

By Henry Kanyanta Sosala

Continued from Part 1

The Role of Chiefs in Native Authorities

Mr. Davidson Nyambe Muttendango wrote: ‘’As early as 1929, the government had enacted the Native Authorities and Native Courts Ordinances. And Through Native Authorities, chiefs were able to mobilize the resources of the community and repair roads and schools in their areas. This was a surest way of taking power to the people at the grass-root level. In other words, it was believed then that democracy is strongest when its institutions such as the Native Authorities are virile at the local level. These Native Authorities served as agencies of the colonial government and at the same time acted as crystallizers of public opinion. And for this, chiefs were very much respected by their subjects.’’

In fact during the colonial rule these chiefdoms were run on semi-autonomous basis as today’s local governments. The main objective of the indirect rule was the recognition of Native Authorities to help Africans enhance the role of their own traditional institutions in governance. The Native authorities could raise some funds from court fees and fines, bicycles, dogs, fire arms and game licences. In addition, the government agreed to pay to the various treasuries 10 per cent of the native (or poll tax) collected either inside or outside the district from Africans belonging to the tribe.

How were these Native Authorities identified? The Lala-Lamba group; Lenje-Soli group or the Ila-Tonga group etc. And the effectiveness and efficiency of the Native Authorities can best be drawn from a protest circular by the African National Congress (ANC) dated 28th February 1958 and which in part read:”….Africans also want to know why thousands of pounds (British sterling) from Native Authorities should be lent to Government and Building Societies at very low interest rates when there is need for those Authorities to use the money.” (March to Political Freedom by Kapasa Makasa)

Even a quick glance would clearly show that the Native Authorities were very powerful regional blocks which gave chiefs a powerful mandate since they were financially sound and look at this: ‘’The main objective of the indirect rule was the recognition of Native Authorities to help Africans enhance the role of their own traditional institutions in governance. This was a surest way of taking power to the people at the grass-root level. In other words, it was believed then that democracy is strongest when its institutions such as the Native Authorities are virile at the local level.’’ No black government could tolerate such institutions which can pose a very dangerous challenge to their political power!

Let me digress to state that in due course, President Kaunda appeared to have shifted his allegiance from Northern Province to Eastern Province and hence these regional political blocks were at the centre of the 1967 UNIP elections as Dr. Mbita Chitala in Not Yet Democracy wrote: ‘’Kaunda’s sense of power broking can also be seen from the way he handled the 1967-9 crisis in UNIP. The 1967 elections saw the decline of power from Ngoni and Lozi ethnic groupings edged out by the coalition of politicians from Northern and Southern provinces. The main contenders during the crisis were Reuben Kamanga and Simon Kapwepwe who represented the two groups…’’

In fact the UNIP regime was determined to abolish chieftainship in Zambia in line with President Nyerere of Tanzania. And this is supported by the fact that there wasn’t even the provision of the Institution of Chiefs in the first constitution as General Godfrey Miyanda stated in his paper, Restoring the Authority of Traditional Rulers to the Law Association of Zambia:

‘’Article 127 of the 1966 Constitution states as follows in part XIII: ‘Subject to the provision of this Constitution, the Institution of Chiefs shall exist in any area of Zambia in accordance with the culture, customs and traditions or wishes of the people to whom it applies…’ It is contended that this article ‘recognizes’ the Institution of Chiefs in Zambia. It appears that prior to this provision, there was no such acknowledgement in the Constitution. In fact there are reports suggesting that the leadership of the First Republic had planned to completely abolish the Institution of Chiefs.’’

Let me invite Mr. Muttendango again: ‘’But in independent Zambia, this system was discontinued and the Native Authorities were dismantled and chiefs had no specific role to play other than being tribal figureheads. Their powers were whittled away and all the chiefs became a museum of anthropology. At the local level, the UNIP government appointed District Governors who supervised chiefs and development projects. The once powerful and respected chiefs subdued and looked upon the new political rulers as the authority and so did their subject.

‘’ In a serious attempt to destroy the fiber of chiefs in the country, the UNIP government deliberately and intentionally encouraged chiefs and their sons and daughters to contest parliamentary elections. Naturally, most of them won over their subjects. And if this trend had continued the Zambian Parliament might have woken up one day only to find all Members were chiefs. Once a chief was a Member of Parliament, it was easier for the appointing authority to appoint him or her to any political post. President Kaunda disregarded the traditions and went further by reducing the powers and prestige of two Paramount Chiefs, namely the Litunga of the Lozi people in Western Province and Chitimukulu of the Bemba people in Northern Province.

‘’The President appointed the two Paramount Chiefs as Members of the Central Committee answerable to him. In the case of Paramount Chief Chitimuukulu, he had to vacate his palace and stayed in a government house in the heart of the provincial capital town, Kasama. Both chiefs were given personal-to-holder Mercedes Benz cars for official use.

‘’Whenever President Kaunda was visiting either Kasama or Mongu, as a representative of the President in the region, the Paramount Chief was compelled to go and welcome him at the airport. The Paramount Chiefs waited for long hours at the airport for the arrival of the President. Before the plane touched down, the Paramount Chief had to line up together with government officials to shake hands with the President. This system was taboo in both the Lozi and Bemba customs.

The Bemba Politicians Vs Bemba Chiefs.

It is amazing that the three Bemba-speaking Republican Presidents I.e., President Kaunda, President Chiluba and President Sata have each frantically attempted to disintegrate Bemba chieftaincy. On the other hand, there was only due respect from President Patrick Mwanawasa and President Rupiah Banda. And in addition we did not face problems with Honourable Inonge Wina, a traditionalist, when she served as the first Minister of Chiefs and Traditional Affairs. Whereas it was hell with Honourable Nkandu Luo and we are currently facing the same hell fire from Honourable Joseph Katema who are both Bemba-speaking. And that it is widely believed in the Bemba royal circles that: in the relay race of hatred for the Bemba chiefs, Honourable Nkandu Luo has passed on the baton to Honourable Joseph Katema.

[pullquote]’who we are, is who we were.’[/pullquote]

The question is why? And indeed there are various reasons since each individual has had personal reasons for his or her negative reaction to the Bemba chieftaintcy. In order to have a minor clue at this issue, we must at least examine it a broad way. The Law of Generation states: ‘’We are all linked to previous generations behind us. Our ancestors are in our genes, in our bones, in our marrow, in our physiological and emotion make-up. We, in turn, will be written into the children who come after us.’’ And therefore, the unavoidable truth is ‘’who we are, is who we were.’’ This means that the shaping power of that heritage has continually been working upon us and that heritage has been influencing us in certain values, behaviour patterns, attractions and preferences.

Reverend James Massey wrote: ‘’There is something to be said for human groupings. There are strengths in common tradition and common culture, which make a people one culture. Each group has ‘intelligible actions’ which grow out of its own tradition and those meanings have an inner significance from which strength for life can be derived. Each human grouping has had distinctives not available elsewhere in just the same way. All human groupings have distinctives that they should preserve, distinctives which give meaning to the group as its members review their ‘story’ in the drama of life.’’ ( Concerning Christian Unity) (emphasis mine)

And what could be historic conditions in the Bemba case? In the life of a genuine Bemba (umu Bemba inkonko), reckless daring is held to be royal courage; prudent delay is the excuse of a coward; moderation is the disguise of unmanly weakness; the lover of violence is always to be trusted. These are supported by a proverb: ‘’Amala ya mwaume yashala ku chishiki.’’ (i.e., a man should fight to the last atom of his power.)

The Bemba being a born-warrior regards “the innate temperament trait” as his only survival instinct and strongly believes that fear and coward-ness are the gateway to self-destruction. And at the individual level, according to Bemba philosophy, violence is a cleansing force. It frees a man from his inferiority complex and from his despair and inaction; it makes him fearless and restores his self-respect. And hence the saying “cibe cibe, umwenso ni mfwa.”

There are some very popular and provocative Bemba sayings which encourage confrontation and encourage people to speak their minds without fear of consequences: ‘’mwilatengela amafina mu cilonda.’’; ‘’Mwilatina impepo nge iteba.’’ And ‘’Pa menso ya muntu tapema inkalamo yakukulya.’’ I can still vividly recall the tense anti-UNIP atmosphere which was created when the Bemba colossus, Mr. Kapwepwe launched the phoenix-like UPP (United Progressive Party) and how political activists like the unforgettable Eustace Mumba and Mbita Kabalika fearlessly challenged UNIP when it was being proclaimed that ‘’UNIP mulilo uwaikatako kupya’’ (i.e., UNIP is fire and anyone who dares to challenge gets scorched).

This was why Mr. Alexander Chikwanda had to warn his fellow tribes men who ‘’got carried away with their emotions when making public speeches………

If an Idi Amin (a vicious military ruler who toppled Uganda’s Obote) took over power in Zambia, the Bemba would be the first to go to the gallows. I am merely stating the truth, let us be careful. Some of us especially the Bemba-speaking can be careless with our emotions and because we are amongst the most reckless with our speeches, we should realize that we shall be the first to go to the gallows should an Amin takeover. You have been forewarned and I hope forearmed.’’

No wonder, Dr. Mbita Chitala in Not Yet Democracy wrote:

I suppose these leaders got into conflict with Bemba chiefs because it is widely believed that proud people resent each other and can never get along together. I think the first characteristics are Bemba aristocracy and arrogance and the former of which Mr. Valentine Musakanya said:

’’The Bemba aristocracy always believes not only in their inherent aristocracy but also in the vocal aggression to make others believe so. Their aristocracy has no foundation in wealth or known education but essentially in being a Bemba.’’

The Journal of African Society, vol. xxxiv, 1935 referred to the Native Authority as ‘’Tribal Government in Transition,’’ because of the colonial government’s recognition of the political organization of the tribe and with the purposeful view of its adaptation to modern governance. The executive and judicial officials on whom the chief relied received material assistance for their various functions, but owing to the decay of the tribute labour system, the government stepped in and twenty-five of Bashilubemba and the Indunas in Barotseland began to get subsidies from their Native Treasuries.

But unfortunately, when the UNIP administration dismantled the Native Authorities, Bashilubemba, unlike their Lozi counterparts who had Messrs. Arthur and Sikota Wina in cabinet spoke strongly for them and the Indunas remained on the new government payroll. The Wina brothers did wonders to protect the interests of the Barotse Royal Establishment as can be seen in the Chiefs’ Act.

Examining Events during Dr. Fredrick Chiluba’s Reign

Unity and competition are the cornerstones of the Bemba’s successful political system. Our unity lies in that the seventeen gazette chiefs and fifteen non-gazetted sub-chiefs are linked to another, nor primarily through subordination, but through a complex and flexible kinship between chiefs and sub-chiefs themselves and then with a total allegiance to a common Mwinelubemba Chitimukulu.

All those who want to destroy the Bemba chieftaincy and tribe aim to break up the unity and allegiance to Mwinelubemba Chitimukulu and create a weak Bemba multi-chiefdoms tribe that could easily be scrapped. The Chiluba administration gave motor vehicles to some subordinate Bemba chiefs so that they could sever their allegiance from Mwinelubemba Chitimukulu and thus weaken Bemba power and influence.

The Chiluba regime further ignored Chitimukulu-in-council as the only legitimate appointing authority of Bemba chiefs and recognized Mr. Paison Chilekwa Yambayamba as ‘’Senior Chief Mwamba’’ under Statutory Instrument 102 of 2000 dated 3rd October 2000.

I frantically tried to make the government understand that some UNIP turncoats had misinformed the MMD government and proving that W.V. Brelsford in ‘’Succession of Bemba Chiefs: A Guide for District Officers’’ wrote:

‘’The appointment of chiefs lies primarily with the Paramount-in-council, which is the Superior Native Authority.’’

And Andrew Roberts in A History of the Bemba wrote:

‘’The senior Bakabilo are no mere servants of Chitimukulu but are themselves the hereditary holders of historic titles, some as old as the Chitimukuluship itself and they are in a real sense the source of chiefly legitimacy. First of all, there are the senior bakabilo of Chitimukulu, those who determine the most crucial issues, such as the royal succession. These men are known as Bashilubemba, the elders of Ulubemba i.e., Chimba, Chitikafula, Kapukuma, Katenda, Munuka and Nkolemambwe.’’

And to my great disappointment, I could not even get any response from the Attorney-General’s office and I decided to write to the Permanent Human Rights Commission. And Judge Lombe Chibesakunda, then the Chairperson in her letter PHRC/C/366/2001 dated 11th June 2001 replied:

‘’I wish to acknowledge your letter of 8th June 2001 and assure you that the contents of the letter are well understood. The complaint you have lodged is a serious complaint. But as we have kept saying this sort of complaint can only be resolved through political means. We have not given up, we have been approaching a number of people to try and get the President of the Republic of Zambia to look at this issue. Should we get any response, we will get back to you.’’

I was completely stuck and wondered what sort of ‘’democracy’’ we had in Zambia and what was even more heart-wretching was that the Law Association of Zambia was of no help. However, the Supreme Court Judgement No. 25 of 2008 between Chief Mpepo (also known as Ackson Chilufya Mwamba) Appellant And Senior Chief Mwamba (also known as PaisonChilekwaYambayamba) respondent ruled that

‘’It was wrong for former President Chiluba to recognize the plentiful as Senior Chief Mwamba because that was against the wishes and decision of the Paramount Chief-in-council and therefore a contravention of Section 3 of the Chiefs’ Act. It was pointed out that there was no dispute at trial that the appointing authority of chiefs subordinate to Chitimukulu was the Paramount Chief-in-council and not the President of Zambia or indeed the High Court of Zambia. In this view, the President should have referred the matter to the Paramount Chief-in-council for review and hence customary law was not followed.’’ (p. J 11- 616).

Then the Chiluba regime embarked on economic sabotaging Northern Province as can be seen from the 1993 budget:

PROVINCE POPULATION DISTRICT AMOUNT

Copperbelt 1,657,646 10 K21,513,924,775
Southern 1,302,660 11 K21,021,062,835
Eastern 1,300,975 8 K19,045,552,876
Lusaka 1,432,401 4 K17,090,790,601
Northern 1,407,088 12 K16,988,223,330
Luapula 784,613 7 K16,897,513,861
Western 782,509 7 K16,546,439,109
North-western 610,075 7 K14,832,751,811
Central 1,006,776 6 K13,973,930,361

What was surprising was that Mr. Emmanuel Kasonde was then the Finance Minister. The question is how did it happen? The answer lies in what Dr. Richard Audrey noted in 1929 that the Bemba people are very intelligent, but are very incapable of maintaining their own affairs. In this case the Minister spent most of his time trying to position himself as the next MMD President. And when this failed he shifted to the National Party, where he was soundly defeated by Honourable Baldwin Nkumbula and the convention which was held in Choma.

I was at time living in Mufulira and I travelled to Kasama because I wanted to consult the Provincial Minister so that the Finance Minister could reveal to the people of Northern Province, the mathematical formula that he and the budget experts had applied in the allocation of provincial funds, where a province with twelve districts and a higher population got the same allocation with other provinces with seven districts and almost half of the population.

We were told that the allocation for Northern Province was short by K500 billion and it was a mere computer error. However, when appeals to the Ministry of Finance were made to correct the anomaly fell on deaf ears and the Province began to face serious operational challenges due to inadequate funding, then some of us, the concerned Bembas who were sure that the anomaly was just a deliberate manouvre to victimize the People of Northern Province, asked the then Provincial Minister, the late Honourable Daniel Kapapa to write directly to President Chiluba.

And I later learned from sources at State House that President Chiluba just threw honourable Kapapa’s letter in the dust-bin ‘’because the finance Minister was the Provincial Minister’s fellow Bemba.’’
And as if this was not enough, the Province was further awarded the gift of a white elephant. It is said that when the Indian Maharajah was displeased with a certain citizen, the prince would give him the gift of a white elephant and it being a sacred animal, that person was subsequently driven to destitution because of the high cost of maintaining it. In the same way, the Province from that meager budget allocation had to bear travel and medical expenses outside the country for the Provincial Minister Honourable Kapapa and his family. But we had no answers as why such expenses were not paid by the Ministry of Health as is done in all other similar cases!

The above painted a clear picture of the economic victimization and at the same time exposed the Bemba malleable politicians of fortune. And none among the politicians from this province could ever have the courage to straighten that straight-forward issue or if necessary to blow the whistle and expose the scandal.

Here, on the other hand are statistics showing the distribution of President Chiluba’s discretionary fund, which must be seen in relation to the above table:

Southern Province K2,271,000,000-00
Lusaka Province K2,774,000,000-00
Copperbelt Prov. K1,952,000,000-00
Luapula Province K 975,000,000-00
Eastern Province K 903,000,000-00
North-western Prov. K 731,000,000-00
Western Province K 655,000,000-00
Northern Province K 332,000,000-00
Central Province K 283,000,000-00

When the phoenix-like UPP that was formed by the colossus was finally banned and many people were detained, it paved way for the so-called one-party participatory democracy. And a system called ‘’vetting’’ was introduced in order to eliminate the vociferous and revolutionary Bemba extremists from political leadership i.e., those who regard ‘’extremism as a virtue in defense of tribal and personal liberty,’’ which is in line with the resolute spirit of Bemba culture.

And as a result, the parliamentary candidates were carefully screened by the Members of the Central Committee and those considered to be ‘’extremists’’ and therefore inimical to the party were ‘’vetted,’’ and the Bemba political system was eventually over-flooded with ‘’malleable opportunists’’ normally called ‘’moderates.’’

In 2001, the sum of K2.4 billion meant for the rural electrification of Chinsali District was diverted to another province. And again in 2001, the sum of K2 billion meant for Kasama-Luwingu road was diverted to the campaign festival in support of Chiluba’s third term bid.

At the Provincial Development Coordinating Committee (PDCC) meeting held in Kasama on 29th December 2007, it was disclosed that the sum of K4.5 billion meant partly for the completion of an embankment at Lukulu river-bridge and other feeder roads in the remotest areas of Chief Nkolemfumu chiefdom in Kasama District had been diverted to Kafue.

The big question is: There were by then 72 districts in this country, but why was money specifically and particularly only been diverted from Bemba districts and not elsewhere? Were these not deliberate provocations?

And this was while the Bemba political opportunists and some of whom were senior members both in government and the National Executive Council (NEC) never, ever raised any objections or questioned when money was being diverted from their Mother Province. It was only in the case of K2 billion that Dr. Bwalya Ng’andu and Mr. Mutembo Nchito protested and the former described the diversion as ‘’an insult to the people of Northern Province.’’ And consequently, Mr. Nchito instituted legal proceedings. But what were the rest of the great Bemba population doing? What shame! And surely as Mr. Kapwepwe always used to say,

‘’Mukashala na baume bapemena mu matanta.’’ (i.e., eventually the only Bemba you will remain with will be the most irresponsible cowards).

…To be Continued….

24 COMMENTS

  1. Intresting article, though i had to laught out loud when I reached the part whiich says “a bemba being a born-warrior.” Also take note that Zambia has never had a Bemba president. Kaunda=Nyanja from Malawi, Chiluba=Ushi, Sata=Bisa. Yes, Chief Sosala refers to them as Bemba speaking which is even more confusing. Are they Bemba speaking because their tribes of origin speak Bemba or merely because they predominantly speak/spoke Bemba. whatever the case, the language you speak should not determine how much resources you take to a Bemba speaking region. It is also wrong to think that just because Katema and Luo come from “Bemba land” then they should treat issues of royalty there with kid gloves.

    • Iwe Njobvu, who are you calling Chief Sosala? He is Chitimukulu Kanyanta Manga. Chitimukulu is the paramount chief of the Bemba not all Bemba speaking people – there is a difference. Bemba speaking is just a tribal grouping of people who speak Bemba or closely related languages just like you have the Easterners who speak Nyanja/Chewa or closely related languages – same with Lozis, Tonga etc.

  2. Here u’ve done me an Alex chola Chief; I’ll wait for the series to get to the end before further comment – Part2 is a conundrum to me. One question upfront Chief: Is this going to be a for “the Bemba victim”? I’ll wait and comment at the end of yo blog. What should Tongas do, then their paramountcy is a colonial creation?

  3. There is so much substance in this article, I was captivated from the first to the last sentence. I have a feeling that by the time ba Chitimukulu has posted the entire piece, the socio-political landscape of the country will never be the same. So much, hitherto, ‘classified’ info is being spewed without measure. Looking forward to tomorrow’s release. Thank you akhulu wethu, for being so forthright with the knowledge you have held over the years.

  4. This is a well researched article. However, we need a counter article because there could be some elements of bias in the selection of critical issues. But as it is the only one we have i can only say well done to bring out facts and numbers.

    • King is an English word. Chitimukulu is the most senior for the Bembas and therefore equivalent to king. It is just semantics. I am sure the English where not comfortable of calling anyone else as a king another than the king of Britain.

  5. “dialectical materialism” History analyzed scientifically can tell us the origin of chiefs kings wealth and capitalistic. But who wants to agree to facts? Myths are more appealing to our senses.

  6. This is a well researched and articulated article. Indeed this chief is well learned, and i should say is one of the most learned and wise chiefs we have in Zambia
    We appreciate your wise counsel

  7. He forgot to list the money the bembas stole (for suits etc) -which was allocated for their province.The K 2 Billion discretionary contribution by Chiluba to Southern province was rejected by the province. It was meant to address the corridor disease long after all the cows were killed by Chiluba’s negligence (by withdrawing VET officers and attributing all issues to the private sector. Moreover, The southern remained the most neglected province save for Livingstone, where everyone was pumping money for tourism purposes! The King must research again! Further, the population of Southern province is very large! Cheers chief

    • Shows your limited comprehension – the Chief has already explained – so called Bemba speaking Presidents WERE NEVER/HAVE NEVER BEEN BEMBA -so your assertion of “BEMBA’S STOLE for SUITS” is very misguided!!

  8. Thats very true, Bemba speaking people are against their own but they would rather help others then Bembas. We have seen it everywhere in companies GRZ etc.

  9. Thank you, Mwinelubemba. “In the life of a genuine Bemba, reckless daring is held to be royal courage … the lover of violence is always to be trusted… at the individual level, violence is a cleansing force. It frees a man from his inferiority complex and from his despair and inaction; it makes him fearless and restores his self-respect. And hence the saying “cibe cibe, umwenso ni mfwa.” Now I can say I understand one Chishimba Kambwili’s reckless remarks! The only problem is that he does not seem to have been freed from his “inferiority complex” and he appears to be more desperate than ever! Thanks again.

  10. I don’t like ma series. Can you just publish the whole article instead of teasing us like we are watching “no one but you” Interesting though but I am still waiting for the gist of the article.

  11. The Chitimukulu would be well advised to write a manual for future generations of bembas so that they know how to run the affairs of the bemba should he pass on. Infact it should be a requirement from the Ministry of traditional affairs to have each chiefdom write its manual or can we say local constitution regarding the running of affairs of each chiefdom. Too many times disputes or succession wrangles in many chiefdoms have been registered. It is important to be clear on succession of chiefs in many chiefdoms. This will reduce some chiefs being recognised by one group but denied by the other. Right now we have problems in eastern between the Nsenga’s senior Chief kalindawalo and the Chewa’s Undi, between the Lozis and Mbundas etc etc.

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