By Sishuwa Sishuwa

Zambians were recently surprised to learn of the commencement of a secretive dialogue process between President Edgar Lungu and Hakainde Hichilema, leader of the main opposition United Party for National Development (UPND), aimed at introducing institutional reforms on electoral law, judicial independence, media freedom and the police ahead of the country’s 2021 general election. Most people assumed, quite reasonably, that talks slated as part of the Commonwealth-brokered political settlement to diffuse heightened tension following the arrest of Hichilema on treason charges in April 2017 would never happen. After Hichilema’s release in August last year, little more was said about this dialogue and it appeared as if the entire exercise was simply a manoeuvre to have Lungu’s political nemesis released without the President losing face. Yet on 12 November, Lungu and Hichilema, accompanied only by their security detail, met at an undisclosed location under the auspices of Zambia’s Christian church leaders. Why then has this long-suspended process begun, and in secrecy? Two important reasons help explain this unexpected turnaround.

The first and most significant is the upcoming judgement by the Constitutional Court (ConCourt) on President Lungu’s eligibility to stand for another term in the 2021 election. To recap: Lungu was first elected in the 2015 presidential by-election following incumbent Michael Sata’s untimely death in office. He was then re-elected in the controversial August 2016 polls. The Constitution contains a clear two-term limit for the presidency, but Lungu’s supporters argue that his first term of just 18 months should not count as a full term. In January 2017, Lungu himself declared that he is eligible to stand in the 2021 elections and challenged opposing voices to seek the interpretation of the ConCourt. A few days later, four small opposition parties did just that, petitioning the court for ‘a declaration that President Edgar Lungu is eligible to contest the 2021 presidential election’. In response, the then influential Law Association of Zambia (LAZ) and the UPND, who argue that the opposition parties were proxies of Lungu, joined the case seeking a counter-declaration. Hearing in the case was concluded in May this year and the judgement comes on Friday, 7 December.

The ConCourt has been under heavy pressure to rule in favour of Lungu. At the height of trial in the case a year ago, Lungu sternly warned the ConCourt judges that a ‘brave’ and ‘adventurous’ judgement against his plans would ‘plunge this country into chaos’. If the 7 December judgement goes in his favour, much of the public may conclude that Lungu’s thinly veiled threats to a Court that many Zambians already perceive as being predisposed towards him and whose judges were all appointed by him – even though none of them met the constitutional qualification to serve on it – proved effective. It is highly likely that Lungu is now operating from this premise: that as far as he is concerned, a third term is all but assured and he can now turn his attention elsewhere. A judgement that endorses his wish to stand for a third time will be hardly surprising given this steady encroachment of the presidency upon the judiciary and the increasingly fragile status of the rule of law in Lungu’s Zambia. Exhibiting a total disregard for the rule of law, the governing Patriotic Front (PF) has also publicly declared, even before the ConCourt pronounces itself on his eligibility, that Lungu would be the party’s presidential candidate in 2021 and assorted campaign materials in the form of cars, bicycles and apparel branded ‘Edgar Lungu 2021’ have already been procured and are being distributed countrywide.

Given this context, a judgement from the ConCourt that Lungu is eligible to seek another term of office in 2021 would be highly controversial and many of his political opponentscan be expected to condemn it, though it is also likely that criticism of the verdict will be hushed. A few days ago, in one of the most bizarre cases and interpretations of contempt since the country’s independence from Britain in 1964, Zambia’s Supreme Court convicted and sentenced to six years imprisonment Gregory Chifire, a civic activist who questioned one of its recent judgements in a high-profile commercial case involving enormous financial stakes. As well as the severity of the sentence handed to Chifire, it remains unclear if the procedure adopted by the Supreme Court in the case is legal and constitutional. The point though is that this verdict is likely to intimidate and silence many potential critics of a ConCourt judgement that is favourable to Lungu. However, even if people are to perceive the judges as having given in to presidential pressure and consequently gather the courage to denounce the judgement, Lungu is unlikely to care much as he would have secured his primary wish: to be on the ballot of Zambia’s 2021 election.

Lungu’s decision to begin the dialogue now should be understood in this changing political context. Participating in this dialogue allows him to shift the narrative that would follow an unpopular judgement on his eligibility towards the need to focus on resolving the political differences that remain ahead of the 2021 elections. Lungu is also likely to respond to any criticism of a judgement that is favourable to him in a way that has the potential to wrong-foot his critics. He may, for instance, argue that ‘the matter was properly before court, the courts have decided; let us respect judicial verdicts and turn our attention to other significant national issues such as the dialogue. I am committed to the talks, as demonstrated by my introductory meeting with the leader of the main opposition party, so let us get on with it’. As a result, the narrative is likely to shift from whether or not he can stand to the certainty that he will be a candidate in 2021 and the implications of his candidacy on the outcome.

A senior PF leader who spoke to me on condition of anonymity and who is both opposed to Lungu and convinced that the 7 December judgement will go Lungu’s way, thanks to the cited presidential pressure on the judges, predicted the breakup of the ruling party once the verdict is announced. While there might be murmurs of discontent from those who had hoped to succeed Lungu such as ex-Lungu loyalist and Lusaka lawyer Kelvin Bwalya Fube, a spirited internal opposition is unlikely to occur because the main potential challengers to Lungu have either been kicked out of the PF already or are in the departure lounge. The others are either too timid or are lacking in resources to mount an effective challenge against Lungu at the party’s 2020 elective conference at which he is expected to nominate an individual from Luapula Province to be his running mate in 2021. Lungu is likely to make this move to retain the support of the key Bemba-speaking constituencies and ward off the threat posed by Harry Kalaba, the former Minister of Foreign Affairs who hails from Luapula and now leads the opposition Democratic Party. He is also likely to maintain the PF’s working alliance with the former governing party, the Movement for Multiparty Democracy, to compensate for the possible loss of support that he might suffer in traditional PF bases. The remaining cohort largely consists of Lungu’s inner circle, a readymade set of corruptible political and business figures who pawn off the country for a few trinkets, who accumulate through brazen theft of public resources and massive sale of Zambian assets to so-called investors, and who strut around with self-importance when they are nothing but disposable playthings of even bigger global kleptocrats. This group is unlikely to be concerned about who leads the PF and Zambia as long as they continue to have the chance to engage in self-enrichment.

The second reason that explains why the dialogue between Lungu and Hichilema is beginning now relates to the changed context of its facilitation. Until the 12 November secret meeting, Lungu, who had earlier given the nod to the Commonwealth’s mediatory role in the aftermath of Hichilema’s release from prison, had vowed that he would never take part in the talks unless they were facilitated by the Zambia Centre for Interparty Dialogue (ZCID), a talking shop of the country’s main political parties. He thought a neutral body commended by UPND such as the Commonwealth would favour the opposition or was likely going to force him and the PF into uncomfortable positions. Hichilema, on the other hand, rejected the ZCID, dismissing the body as pro-PF, and insisted that the Commonwealth must lead the exercise. If any local institutions were to be assigned the role, Hichilema argued, then it must be the three main Christian church bodies: the Zambia Conference of Catholic Bishops (ZCCB, formerly known as the Zambia Episcopal Conference), the Council of Churches in Zambia, and the Evangelical Fellowship of Zambia (EFZ). Lungu scoffed at such demands, not least because he sought a more pliable body or figure. The most influential of the three church bodies was the ZCCB, then under the presidency of Telesphore Mpundu, the Archbishop of Lusaka Diocese, who was outspoken against human rights abuses by Lungu’s administration. At the height of Hichilema’s detention, for instance, Mpundu led the Catholic Bishops in condemning the arrest, denouncing the failure by key political institutions such as the police and judiciary ‘to stand up to political manipulation and corruption’, and branding the Zambian state under Lungu as a ‘dictatorship in all except designation’.

Lungu’s opposition to Hichilema’s proposition that the church mother bodies be accorded the chance to lead the dialogue stemmed from a fear that doing so would embolden Bishop Mpundu, whom he viewed as difficult to manipulate and possibly a supporter of Hichilema. It was partly this deadlock that saw the dialogue process shelved. This context changed recently when the ZCCB president Mpundu, who was only freshly re-elected to the position, retired under curious circumstances. The official explanation is that Mpundu was discharged on medical grounds, but sources within the Catholic Church allege that the Zambian government lobbied the Apostolic Nuncio, the Vatican’s diplomatic representative in Zambia, to have him quietly retired. His successor, Alick Banda, is a much less forthright figure and someone Lungu can be more comfortable with. When the straight-talking Mpundu issued the earlier-cited condemnation of Lungu’s administration on behalf of the Catholic Bishops, Bishop Banda quickly distanced himself from the statement and criticised Hichilema’s failure to accept the ConCourt’s judgement in favour of Lungu over the challenged 2016 election results. With a favourable leadership at the helm of the influential ZCCB, and given that many regard the other Christian bodies, CCZ and EFZ, as riddled with pro and anti Lungu factions, Lungu now feels confident enough to proceed with the dialogue, partly to also reinforce his claim that the dialogue does not need the intervention of foreign organisations such as the Commonwealth. Hichilema, who appears to have overlooked this changed context of ‘the church mother bodies’ ahead of his secret meeting with Lungu, has effectively locked himself into the talks since he cannot now turn around to criticise the very local institutions that he had demanded must facilitate the dialogue. Already, many Zambians are uncritically praising Lungu for demonstrating leadership by ‘conceding’ to his opponents’ demands. When talk is cheap, Lungu agrees to play.

Three scenarios are now possible. One is that Lungu will allow the talks to drag on until the 2021 elections. Another is that Hichilema, belatedly realising his naivety, may quit the negotiations when he understands how little can be achieved through them. Well-placed UPND sources told me that what Hichilema wants to get out of the talks is the resolution of a key set of issues such as the partisan implementation of the Public Order Act, the partiality of the police, the unequal access to the public media, a faulty national constitution that does not promote accountability and the need for both a truly independent electoral commission and a judiciary that is not susceptible to financial and political interests. The thirdscenario is that the dialogue will go all the way and result in some kind of resolutions pertaining to the cited issues, which Lungu will then calmly ignore, as he is unlikely to institute any reforms that would undermine his re-election prospects and also because there is no binding mechanism to enforce any agreements reached through these dark-corner meetings.

Behind all this scheming is Lungu’s determination to win the 2021 elections. With his eligibility to stand almost certainly confirmed, he has a high chance of doing so as it is likely that not even a weakened ruling party and an unpopular incumbent will be enough to help the UPND win power. The beginning of the dialogue process, alongside the fact that nearly all the UPND’s legal challenges to Lungu’s re-election were ‘coincidentally’ disposed of in favour of the incumbentaround the time of their secret meeting, means either that Hichilema has tacitly accepted that the 2016 elections were legitimate, or that Lungu has successfully frustrated his opponent’s legitimate challenge of his electoral defeat and the probable use of state institutions such as the police, the Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ) and the public media to rob him of victory. Lungu can therefore use the same methods and strategy he deployed to win the previous poll, relying on the use of force and these supposedly neutral state institutions and the judiciary to perpetuate his stay in power. Ifanything, these institutions are more closely under executive control now that Lungu has firmly established his grip on power than they were in 2016. The UPND appears to have no strategy to deal with the PF’s use of state institutions and resources.

Also likely to help Lungu’s re-election in 2021 is the fragmentation of the opposition forces, which makes the manipulation of the election results much easier especially since the PF, according to Ministry of Justice sources, plan to soon remove the “50 per cent + 1” clause from Zambia’s Constitution. The UPND’s narrow loss in 2016 was actually in relatively favourablecircumstances, as it was helped by the absence of other credible opposition parties or prominent political figures standing. 2021 is likely to be different. Two former leading PF ministers have formed their own parties. Chishimba Kambwili, the former Minister of Information who now leads the National Democratic Congress (NDC), and Kalaba will likely contest the presidential election and have shown fewsigns of being willing to work together constructively against the PF. In sum, a combination of control of state institutions and the fragmentation of the opposition will likely deliver for Lungu the third term in office he desires.

In any case, none or few of Lungu’s main political opponents may be on the ballot in 2021 as the ruling core, saddled with an unpopular candidate, is desperate to reduce political competition ahead of the general election. Hichilema,especially, may be targeted on two fronts.

First, Zambia’s revised 2016 Constitution now requires political parties to promote and practice democracy through holding regular, free and fair internal elections. The UPND last held an elective national convention in 2006 and Hichilema has not stood in an internal election since then, a development that the PF may seek to exploit by arguing that any party that has not held regular polls should be disqualified from taking part in the national elections. UPND structures are weak and Hichilema possibly fears that the opportunity presented by an internal election may be used by the PF to replace him with another candidate or simply divide or weaken the party. In any case, the PF is already preparing to take to Parliament a Political Parties Bill that would give effect to the aforementioned Constitutional provision. Sources within the governing party speak of plans to include a provision that would bar undemocratic parties and a candidatewho has hitherto made more than two unsuccessful attempts at the national presidency from standing. Lungu recently wondered why Hichilema, who he declared must leave politics because he has lost on all his previous five attempts to become Zambia’s president, should be allowed to stand in 2021. ‘He has failed five times’, Lungu protested, ‘but the UPND are insisting that they want this same candidate. Zambia is not supposed to be condoning dictators.’

Second, the persistent police harassment of Hichilema may result in a prison sentence, one that might adversely affect his participation in the 2021 elections. The revised Zambian law disqualifies a person who has, in the immediate preceding five years, served a term of imprisonment of at least three years, or who is serving a sentence of imprisonment from being eligible to stand in a presidential election. Since less than three years remain before Zambia’s next poll, constitutionally set for 12 August 2021, the PF might simply seek to have Hichilema convicted on any charge that would keep him in prison at the time of the nominations for the 2021 election. Already, police have formulated a potential charge against Hichilema, from whom a warn and caution statement was recently recorded in relation to the rumoured sale of state-owned timber company Zambia Forestry and Forest Industries Corporation to the Chinese, which sparked violent public protests on the politically important Copperbelt Province. The PF allege that it is the opposition strongman who incited the rioters, a charge denied by the accused. Hichilema is also being investigated in relation to his role as a private evaluator in Zambia’s privatisation process in the 1990s. Possible evidence that the police may be acting on instruction emerged soon after Hichilema’s meeting with Lungu when the President, in an apparent reference to the UPND leader, denounced the ‘shamelessness’ of political leaders ‘who are shareholders in the companies they were entrusted to privatise’ [in the 1990s].‘It is sad that the people that were entrusted with the privatisation process at the time’, Lungu said of Hichilema,‘shamelessly sold off the state-owned enterprises and even now boast of riches which they literally looted through the privatisation process to the disadvantage of the poor ordinary majority’.

The other opposition leader who may be targeted is Kambwili, an effective grassroots mobiliser and a populist who assertsthat Lungu is beholden to the interests of the Chinese and has departed from Sata’s pro-poor policies. The former Lungu trumpeter retains a distinctive support base on the urban Copperbelt and, left to operate freely, is capable of hurting the ruling party as his nascent NDC might take away significant chunks of PF support. However, indications that the government is planning to move for him surfaced a few days ago when Kambwili, who appears to have some useful contacts in the security services, confronted Minister of Home Affairs Stephen Kampyongo over the issue. In a leaked recorded phone conversation of the duo, Kambwili is heard challenging Kampyongo – who vows to teach him an unspecified ‘lesson’ he would never forget – about the police’s plans to arrest him on a charge possibly emanating from his frequent criticism of Lungu’s alleged loyalty to corruption, the exploitation of Zambian workers by Chinese firms, or the growing Chinese influence on the Zambian economy and state. As if to confirm public perception that they operate under political directives, the police then moved to arrest Kambwili for unlawful assembly on 29 November. The charge arose from his earlier address to Zambian employeesin a Chinese firm protesting against their poor working conditions. Police had earlier arrested the complaining workers, sparking criticism that the government, which has said nothing about their grievances, was betraying its citizens in defence of foreign commercial interests. Kambwili is already appearing in court facing 39 counts on separate charges and critics claim that the ruling authorities are eager to secure a conviction against him that would keep him out of the running in 2021. Whether or not Lungu and the PF are so desperate that they are prepared to go to such lengths to secure another five years in power, only time will tell.

With key institutions on his side, and the capacity of international actors to constrain his behaviour severely diminished by donors’ shift from aid to trade (a move that has weakened good governance programs, with all their shortfalls), Zambians should brace for Lungu’s extended stay in power beyond 2021. He has already demonstrated his capacity to both win a competitive election by possible crook and get the key institutions such as the judiciary to endorse his actions, even if it is by way of dismissing legal suits brought against him on technical procedures. Since his re-election in 2016, he has gone about silencing part of the critical free press, opposition parties and rivals within the PF, and capturing key state institutions. Will this all end in a fully-fledged dictatorship? I think not, for while Lungu and the PF are undoubtedly becoming increasingly authoritarian, they lack the political capital and strategic tools necessary to justify, manage and sustain such a regime. To begin with, Lungu lacks the broad popularity and legitimacy needed to establish a complete dictatorship. According to the contested 2016 results, he beat Hichilema by less than 3%. In office, he has failed to put in place popular policies that would win him greater support. Moreover, with the country severely in debt and, with an anticipated International Monetary Fund bailout on the way, public spending is likely to be slashed further, hurting the poor. To establish a full-grown dictatorship, one needs to manufacture tacit consent. In the Zambian context, this would require a significant redistributive agenda, but the regime lacks the resources for this. Lungu does not seem inclined to pursue the extractive industry for more revenue as the likes of Tanzania are attempting to do. He also lacks the kind of charisma, oratory power, or ‘saviour’ credentials that his autocratic role models – such as Uganda’s Yoweri Museveni or Rwanda’s Paul Kagame – can fall back on.

Lungu’s actions will certainly undermine Zambia’s cherished democracy, its political institutions and culture. Furthermore, like the other leaders emerging in his mould around the world – such as Donald Trump in the US or Jair Bolsanaro in Brazil– he is likely to leave havoc in his wake. In the US and elsewhere, broad sections of civil society have mobilised against actions they see as illegitimate or illegal. But in Zambia, the capacity of non-state actors to rally significant sections of the population behind national concerns remains weak. The Law Association of Zambia, hitherto a rare bright spot amid Zambia’s increasingly inactive and ineffective non-state actors and arguably the leader of the country’s civil society movement, appears to have finally been captured by the PF. Under the leadership of Linda Kasonde, whose term of office ended earlier this year, LAZ exerted every effort to fulfill its legal mandate of defending the rule of law, protecting Zambia’s Constitution, and proactively using the law as a shield for the weak and the ordinary citizen and not as a sword for the elite and those in power. Following recent LAZ elections that saw one or two PF supporters assume senior leadership roles on the body, the association is now so ineffective that one can easily mistake it for a legal wing of the ruling establishment, as many Zambians today see its role as that of issuing statements, carefully-couched in legal terminology, in support of the government. To illustrate: the ink that the Supreme Court used to write the earlier cited controversial contempt decision had barely dried when LAZ heaped praise on the judgement, declaring that ‘the [six-year] sentence sends a message that Zambians must not engage in unwarranted attacks that tarnish the image of the judiciary.’

In addition, the judiciary, so important in constraining Trump’s authoritarian tendencies in the US and a body that in Zambia previously stood as citizens’ last line of defence in protecting their rights, has, under the PF’s watch, effectively been captured by the executive and is not in a position to stem the tragic slide – not so much towards complete dictatorship but chaos. Zambia was once so highly regarded as a model of democracy that many people have yet to come to terms withthe country’s gradually changing political character. By the time they do, it might be too little, too late.

[Read 5,940 times, 1 reads today]
Loading...

46 COMMENTS

  1. MR SISHUWA, ALL THESE ARE MERE SPECULATIONS. DONT WASTE YOUR TIME ON SUCH. THE MOST IMPORTANT THING THAT HH MUST DO IS TO MAKE HIMSELF AND HIS UPND POPULAR AND LUNGU WILL BE NO WHERE EVEN IF HE APPEARS ON THE BALLOT PAPERS. WE ALL FEARED KK AT ONE TIME. BUT ONCE A POPULR CANDIDATE CAME ON THE SCENE, ALL WAS HISTORY DESPITE THE SHU SHU SHUs, THE STATE OF EMERGENCY AND THE VIGILANTES. DO NOT BE A COWARD SIR. IF ECL IS LOVED, HE WILL WIN AGAIN AS HE WON IN MANGANGO. THAT IS DEMOCRACY. STORIES OF POLICE BRUTALITY ARE NEITHER HERE NOR THERE. HH IS NOW FINISHED. THATS WHY HE HAS HUMBLED HIMSELF AND NOW WITH HIS TAIL TAGGED BETWEEN HIS LEGS, HE HAS ACCEPTED DIALOGUE. HE HAS NO WAY OF ESCAPING. ANOTHER HUMILIATING DEFEAT AWAITS HIM IN 2021. BY THE WAY I AM NOT SAYING PF IS THE BEST PARTY. I WISH…

    20

    8
    • Blah, blah, blah…The only reason HH took the meeting and in secret is so you sheeples are not disappointed in your saviour who has continually labeled president Lungu as the devil himself.
      Mr Sishuwa am sure you think you are a very intelligent man, but what you are forgetting is that UPND has a President who has never gone to a convention, has lost 4 general elections and you will still allow the same loser to contest the next elections. A true definition of insanity if you ask me!

      16

      15
    • The sooner this young man realized that he is misapplying himself, the more value he will carry. Zambians have no time for drivel. There is a moment in life when trolling around the clock deserves an end for objectivity. His delusions have neither the potency nor a constituency to impact political order.

      12

      8
    • Ok. Slushies stuff is too long, therefore I trash it. So I went to comments, find that of @Senior Citizen.
      And don’t understand his language.
      What the fuuuck is wrong you people.
      I prefer reading
      Nubian Princess articles and comments. Quickiez!

      5

      9
    • We are all forgetting that this is not about weak judges or weak opposition. Its about you and me the common man. What sort of country do we want for ourselves? Do we want a country where the judiciary is blatantly inept and corrupt? Do we want a country where the constitution is just another piece of paper? Do we want the current corrupt leaders to continue taking our country backwards?

      Its us and our children who will suffer. Its upto us to put a stop to this b.ullsh.it.

      16

      1
    • Useless opinions. Your HH will not be President, not in 2021. He is also a thief. A thief who has hidden his loot in Panama & you want him to come & tell others to bring their money in Zambia when his in outside. Same he has now taught his friend to sale trucks & close milling company & take his money to Panama also. And these are your leaders

      9

      8
    • Mr Sishuwa are you really sure about what you’ve said? Otherwise excellent analysis. I always enjoy reading both Shishuwa Shishuwa and Kalima Nkonde’s articles they are the best by a full mile of all the contributing columnists. Always objective and politically neutral. As for KBF I think Zambia really needs to move away from having another Lawyer as President, their thinking is sadly out of touch with reality and they tend to have a superiority complex which we need to do away with, we need fresh down to earth minds and my preference as always is someone with either a science/ engineering background or an ex military intellectual.

      5

      1
    • HH is not a solution. He is a part of the problem.
      Mr. Lungu4 is right when he says, HH SWINDLED privatisation process by being a facilitator of undervalued strategic companies and assets to investors for a part of the new owners, look at Zambezi Sun, Mongu Abatoir.

      Zambia needs a pro-poor silent majority, the one who has the courage to slash salaries of the MPs, President, judges and PSs.
      The one who can channel majority of national budget to education and health for the underprivileged.

      5

      2
    • I think the problem with Professor “Not so Sure” Sishuwa is that he really is not sure of anything.

      Earlier this year he bid us farewell saying he was “not so sure” of how effective his diatribes were contributing to national dialogue so he would discontinue them.

      Not so long after Professor Not so Sure wrote any other article or two. Not so sure about legal interpretations, he has now attempted to give us a perceptive of the ruling to come from ConCourt.

      The syntax and lexicon is perfect but I am “Not so Sure” the content was well thought because it comes out as some utopian gibberish rather than a logically thought out piece.

      I would not send my grand kid to any class this Oxford trained professor teaches. Because this Sishuwa would just get them more confused at the end of…

      3

      5
    • Continued…

      Because this Sishuwa would just get them more confused at the end of the semester than they were at it’s beginning.

      Sishuwa Sishuwa Sishuwa … please channel your energy in the right places. Your are misusing your neurons here and it makes me sad because I believe you would be an effective contributor to GNP worldwide than this drivel.

      You may “Not so Sure” but in your case a sabbatical is really golden. I read your whole things twice and I still could not make any sense of it mainly because it’s based on speculative innuendo without factual backings.

      Heaven help us all …

      3

      3
    • @rajun mathani well said. That is what Zambia needs but where do we find this leader who will take this country to the promised future it deserves? We need a leader down to earth who can say improve
      and decongest prisons, improve the justice system, no more luxury SUVs and high payments for senior govt officials, a leader who will choose not to stay in State house to to live amongst the people who voted for him in the neighbourhoods and kombonis. Where to find such a down to earth person?

      1

      0
    • You are a pf cadre Chisenga, we all know that with a credible electoral body and a bonafide judiciary Lungu goes back to the taverns of chawama; spirits at first because of the stolen money….but then back to chibuku and kachasu.

      7

      8
  2. Zambian judges should be like Kenyan judges and throw a bombshell decision against Lungu coz he’s already serving his 2nd and final term.

    7

    10
  3. TERM DEFINITION FROM URBAN DICTIONARY: a fixed or limited period

    at school, if I’m sick for a month, is it right to say I attended my full term or was it only parts of a term. a term is a fixed period of time and so when ecl held office for 1year and half, he held office for someone else’s(Mr Satas term)

    I’m breaker and I approve this message

    10

    3
    • And what does your Urban dictionary say about Public Order Act? What matters is what our constitution said when he took over and what it says now. Not even what the Bible says matters in this issue.

      3

      2
    • So, you were away for a month. Upon return you took the exam and fail, do you argue that you cannot give me an F because I was absent for month out of a term?

      Muleishibako utuntu!

      Think ba Zambia, Think,

      1

      0
  4. Mr shuwa shuwa, a local bambazoink political pundit.Point of correction. NATIONAL DIALOGUE, failed to take up because of HH’s terror behavior after 2016 general elections lose.HH / upnd VOWS never to recognize the presidency of ECL and his formidable team. Secondly, the SECRET involvement of Anglo-Americans just after HH was sent to jail cell ( remind) .The Anglo-Americans threatens ECL without fear by conniving with COMMONWEALTH SECRETARIAT. AU and SACD was partially involved but all respected sovereignty in Zambia henceforth the country has its own constitutional rights.AU received bollistic attacks from the west on matter patterning AFRICAN governance ( Zambia;SA, Kenya and Zimbabwe) Only a Nigerian oil guru called Pro Gambari came to initiate peace brokers of Zambia, envoy Gambari…

    11

    0
  5. muliokela has more sense than that shushwa guy, he said if I found you eating at a restaurant and you asked me to finish the last lamp on your plate, who pays for the meal, Is it muliokela or the other guy?

    I’m breaker, I’m transcendent and I approve this message

    8

    1
  6. Sometimes I wonder how learned men like sishuwa try hard to distort to mislead fellow Zambians. Surely the issues of ECL’s eligibility to stand is straight toward.

    1. When he won the bye election to take over after Data’s demise, he only served the remaining months of Sata’s term, which according to the current constitution does not constitute a term of office, as it falls short of three years which should have constituted a full term.
    2. But alas educated men of all types now wish to twist what he served which is less than 3 years into what they call his pursuit for 3rd term to suit their Agenda to disfranchise him to stand in in 2021. Fellow citizens let’s try to be honest our dealings.
    This is simple straight toward issue. ECL is eligible to stand period. Any thing…

    13

    3
  7. This is too much Bo Sishuwa Sishuwa……At the very least, you should pretend to be objective by sticking to facts and not speculation…come on dude, you are a historian(or so you claim to be):
    1. What the (revised) constitution says about ECL situation is what is being debated in courts
    2. Your conclusion that Concourt judges are not constitutionally qualified is too much.
    3. The current ZCCB leadership is not favorable to ECL as you claim. Check current ZCCB’s President (Bishop Lungu) history with the PF and ECL in particular. As Home affairs minister, ECL deported a Rwandese Priest under the care of Bishop Lungu.
    Let’s learn to be objective!

    7

    3
  8. Lungu is headed for an imbarrassing defeat if he decides to be cunning in his approach to dialogue. He has enough sins in his closet and if I were him I would seek true reconciliation with HH as the incoming president. This is the only way Lungu will have peace in his retirement. Mr. Lungu if you are reading these comments, follow your inner conscious sir and come back to humanity. Make friends with this man HH and save your skin to enjoy your retirement. Be a statesman who can be used to represent Zambia to external bodies when you retire – that’s a sure way to enjoy your life.

    If you follow your “capturers” you will suffer an agonising life after you retire because Zambians are determined to see PF out of office come rain come sunshine. Use your independent judgement to assess the…

    5

    9
    • @Zeus, wise words. I can see HH pleading with the masses to allow Lungu and his crone’s to return the loot in exchange for leniency.

      1

      3
  9. This cowardly disposition and punching below the Zambian weight Mr sishiwa, One would have expected you to be part of the key figures invited to deliberate on the same dialogue you are tearing apart based on your citizenship seniority and academic accolades. But look at yourself, you have not been called upon to attend even as a silent observer. It is this tribal propelled inclinations and adversarial politics which have kept you in the common room away from national matters decision makers…

    13

    3
  10. You are turning up the heat by insinuating that hh has been deceived to start the dialogue based on HE EL’ s Selfish agenda, you indirectly calling upon the supporters of HH to dispel the outcome of the con court judgment should it be in favor of El. To you all Judges are already bought and cannot professionally execute their duties. Look at your tribal remarks about Luapula people, in your warped mind Lungu will bribe these people by choosing from amongst them a running mate incase this could come to pass that way. You want people to believe that in as far as the law is concerned there was no need for the con court to even analyze legibility issue and so to you any judgements other than what you want will be distortion of the law

    10

    3
  11. Too long article and I have no time for it. Why not print it and put it on the streets. Only a lazy person will read this. Next time please be brief.

    2

    2
    • @Judge Not; Leave “poridge” for the kids. Let’s bring everything to the table so that we can have a clear view of where we want to be. Otherwise we will continue going round and round until we start biting our tails.

      1

      1
  12. Use the law of the land to reason than misleading people.
    1.How does a leader ascended to power? Was it through elections or ?
    2. When we have a new constitution counting terms of office resets
    3. So for proper understanding of the constitution please read and consult the lawyers

    3

    1
  13. The problem with Zambia is most people Don t actually realise the full impact of corruption and public theft as long as you build a road a few hospitals. There is no country in the world that can develop with this much corruption a president can have many faults but corruption shouldn’t be one of them look at what is happening a fire trucks that’s supposed to cost $300000 costs us a million dollars we can’t develop this way to sum it all up when a government is corrupt it takes along with it other institutions the police , courts e.t.c more over this state capture is becoming increasingly clear let the president clean up is government & he should not blame HH for his mess because he is the president not HH every time he cries HH he sound like a full grown man that gets beat up by a 5…

    5

    1
  14. Personally i think this whole 3rd term issue could have been avoided way too long.Why didn’t the constitution makers and the lawyers consider the case of an incumbent dying in office and the case of a presidential bye election to define the term limits?These guys even had examples of presidential term limitations from other countries in terms of death of the incumbent but they deliberately decided to avoid clearly defining this concept.To me i blame all this on the greedy and stupidity of our lawyers and lawmakers.The longer they sit to debate unimportant issues and the longer the cases drag in courts,the more money they make.If all this was defined clearly earlier,we would be talking about other more important things by now.The lawmakers and lawyers in our country are just a joke.

    2

    1
  15. Wasting our time with long speculations. Nothing will change in 2021, atleast not at the top. The other people aspiring for the presidency are equally looters. Full stop!!

    2

    0
  16. A lot of stuff written by cadres who eat with ECL at the top table while little food (crumbles) is given to the poor! Reading all the comments make me think that State capture is real. How normal people can accept trash from LAZ to many ill-informed cadres is beyond my understanding! What is worse is that even educated Zambians are in the forefront championing ECL’s cause! This is a finished society!

    5

    0
  17. Sishuwa, your articles already confirms how democratic ECL’s Zambia is because you are free to express your biased opinion in full freedom without looking behind your back.
    if HH cannot allow democracy in his party what justification do you have to hero worship him for our messiah?
    Iam still waiting for terminal benefits from Lima Bank which HH liquidated and paid himself leaving workers stranded to date. He even bought a Lima Bank house in which he has been staying until the new mansion was built in New Kasama. majoriy workers have died

    2

    2
  18. Lungu this, HH that, PF broken promises, UPND pipe dreams. Same story every year, time to realise the political machine has failed Zambia. Its time we the citizens local and abroad invest in measures, small and large to develop our country. But off course you won’t heed this call to action. It’s much easier to insult and post *****ic narratives filled with big words and no substance.

    0

    0
  19. Mr Sishuwa, you spent a great deal of your writing on imaginary scenarios and being told by anonymous individuals from two political parties. What would have been of interest is for you to have delved into what the constitution of Zambia says, what is referred to as a term? As it is you have already concluded that Lungu has served two terms and that therefore if he stands in 2021 that will be his 3rd term.??

    1

    0
  20. Our issue as a nation is to ignore the lawlessness our has become ingulfed in. ECL is relevant only in that his government has facilitated the lawlessness. As a nation, we should get very concerned about what that means in future, should get someone even worse than ECL. LPM ignored warnings about Constitution being week and it’s led us here. We need a President who’ll institute a Singapore style Constitution, which will enable our country to develop in all areas.

    0

    0

LEAVE A REPLY

Please enter your comment!
Please enter your name here