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Chieftains Serve As Patriotic Front Cadres

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By Henry Kyambalesa

The use of chieftains as political cadres or proxies by any ruling political party is, no doubt, an enticing prospect due to their dependence on the government of the day for public assistance granted to them, including the electrification and maintenance of their palaces, provision for their stipends and motor vehicles, and other trappings relating to their welfare.

The following selected headlines which have appeared in various news outlets over the years depict the worrisome trend in this regard:

“Chavuma sub-chiefs pledge to support President Lungu, PF.”—Lusaka Times, July 14, 2021.

“Explain PF achievements to your subjects, GBM tells chiefs.”—Lusaka Times, July 11, 2021.

“Chiefs pledge to support President Lungu.”—Zambia Daily Mail, September 19, 2020.

“LUNDA chiefs in North-Western Province will support President Edgar Lungu in the next presidential election, says the Lunda Cultural Association.”—Daily Nation, January 29, 2017. And

“South Chiefs support Lungu.” Patriotic Front (PF), July 21, 2015.

The House of Chiefs was first established in 1965 soon after Zambia’s independence on October 24, 1964 as an advisory body to the United National Independence Party (UNIP) and the late Dr. Kenneth D. Kaunda’s administration on matters relating to ethnic cultures and traditional customs until 1991 when the Movement for Multi-party Democracy (MMD) and Dr. Frederick Chiluba assumed the reins of power and banished the House and ignored the role of traditional leaders in development.

The apparent reason for getting rid of the House of Chiefs was the use of the House and chieftains during the UNIP era as one of the tools designed to support the interests and political survival of the ruling political party—the same role the House of Chiefs and chieftains have been expected to perform since their re-introduction into the realm of governance by the MMD and the late Dr. Levy P. Mwanawasa upon winning the general elections held on December 27, 2001.

Since chieftains and the House of Chiefs have an important role to play in national development and the preservation of our cherished cultural values and traditions, there is no need to consider the prospect of repealing Article 169 of the Constitution of Zambia (Amendment) Act No. 2 of 2016—which recognizes and acknowledges their relevance—as a solution to the problem at hand.

However, we need to devise a viable and sensible solution to the problem. In this regard, I wish to suggest that the following be added to existing Electoral Code of Conduct:

  1. Candidates for elective public office who openly seek or solicit the support of traditional leaders and/or any other individuals and/or institutions that depend on public assistance for their welfare should be barred from participating in elections for a period of 5 years;
  2. Candidates who induce traditional leaders and/or any other individuals and/or institutions that depend on public assistance for their welfare by means of gifts or donations of any value during any year elections are scheduled to be held should be barred from participating in elections for a period of 5 years; and
  3. Chieftains who openly declare their support for any political party or candidate should have the public assistance granted to them suspended for a period of 5 years.

This is one of many issues that will require new political players—such as HH and the UPND Alliance—to address. The Patriotic Front and its officials, after having perfected the art of using chieftains to garner support to their advantage, will not support the introduction of the foregoing sanctions or any other similar sanctions.

They have truly gained a great deal of experience in extracting endorsements from chieftains—by asking them to gather at a designated location and tactically persuading and coercing them to make joint statements declaring their support for the ruling political party and its candidates.

Chieftains particularly will have to support the measures suggested above in order to guard themselves against being gathered and manipulated like headless chickens to support inept public officials who have exhibited little of no ability to address the numerous problems facing the country at its people.

Finally, but certainly not least, chieftains and political parties and their candidates need to be mindful of the following potential consequences of the nature of their questionable political maneuvers:

  1. Solicitation of support from chieftains by political contestants through gifts and donations, for example, can consciously or otherwise induce them to abuse the absolute traditional authority they wield by imposing their political views and choices on residents in their areas of jurisdiction.
  2. Chieftains are, ideally, impartial leaders of all the residents in their chiefdoms regardless of their political affiliations. However, their support for any political party or candidate can inevitably place them in an adversarial position against some of the residents who may have different political alignments. And
  3. Chieftains’ endorsement of any political party or candidate can easily frustrate efforts aimed at creating a level playing field for all political contestants, since they (the chieftains) already have a faithful following in their areas of jurisdiction. In this regard, we would do well to address the deep-rooted scourges of election-rigging, vote-buying, monopolized access to major news outlets, and access to public resources by a ruling political party without opening up other avenues for unfair political advantage.

9 COMMENTS

  1. “Don’t feed the trolls (aka Kaizar Zulu).” Trolls seek out emotional responses and find provocation amusing, so replying to them or attempting to debate them will only make them troll more. By ignoring a troll completely, they will likely become frustrated and go somewhere else on the internet.
    You SHOULD try your best not to take anything trolls say seriously. No matter how POORLY they behave, remember these people spend countless unproductive hours trying to make people mad. They’re NOT worth your time of day.

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  2. Kyambalesa is a cadre and he see cardrism in everyone and everything. He views UPND as a saviour ans HH as a Messiah.
    Chiluba aimed at distroying everything UNIP no wonder the House of Chiefs (HoC) was banned. The HoC like permanent secretaries, as controlling officers must support the government of the day and not work as an opposition grouping. Some chiefs, like Mukuni, are very strong and open critiques of ECL: that’s their right.

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  3. The body language of the chiefs suggests they do not want the man there…the stench of corruption follows him wherever he goes!

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  4. Post modernist young people do not care anymore about what the elders say. The older generation were the ones who could not ask a teacher WHY, but simply accepted what they were told is the truth. Today, young people question and the traditional chiefs apart from selling land to the highest bidder have become irrelevant to the Zambian people. These chiefs know that they have no power except when being carried to the traditional ceremony. Power is at State House and the plot one incumbent uses the chiefs because they are dependent on the national treasury. The chief need the President 4 out of 5 yrs, but he needs them only in 1 yr.

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  5. Chiefs are not irrelevent to the Zambian people. Yes, some of them have become involved in the landgrab of their chiefdoms. That clearly needs to cease. But they are spiritual guardians of customary land. What is missing here is a reorganization of customary governance. We need a Citizens’ Assembly, albeit based on a European model, that provides a truly democratic structure of governance; advising the chiefs, ensuring their cultural survival, by providing a democratic system which can take chiefdoms forward into the future. Since 1964, customary land has declined to 52% – and if you add the game management areas – 32%. Given the importance of customary areas for cultural and ecological preservation – not only in Zambia, but in the world – the chiefdoms must not only be preserved, but…

  6. Why are some Zambians likely to vote for ECL and the PF in the forthcoming general elections? I have figured out why: (a) some citizens are simply content with mediocrity and ineptitude in government; (b) some citizens are overly resistant to change and would rather continue to suffer under the current administration than vote for new political players; (c) some citizens, such as those in Zambia’s foreign missions, owe their employment to ECL and the PF and cannot imagine losing their jobs under a new administration, especially considering the current unimaginable levels of unemployment in the country; (d) some citizens in the north-eastern part of the country consider ECL as a brother, an uncle or a father and can, therefore, not vote against him; and (e) some citizens, such as chiefs…

  7. … and the clergy, are dependent on the crumbs from ECL’s “table” and, therefore, want to show their appreciation by voting for him. Any other reasons?

  8. Number 3: In which Article of the Republican Constitution does it state that some segments of Zambian society must support or work with the government of the day? You expect level-headed citizens to work with the government of the day in destroying the country and causing unimaginable economic hardships on their families and on society at large? Place yourself in the shoes of the opposition — you would certainly not want anyone preaching to you about such nonsense especially under the unthinkable conditions obtaining in the country right now.

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