Government has expressed concern over the continued increasing levels of defilement cases in the country.
Minister of Justice Princess Kasune, says the rate at which cases of defilement and rape are happening, calls for serious interventions.
Speaking during a consultative engagement meeting with stakeholders on the proposed constitutional Amendment Bill 7 of 2025 in Chinsali, Ms Kasune lamented that the unfortunate rise of such vices needs punitive measures.
“This is an alarming situation and hence you will see in the amendment that we are going to ensure that there is consistency in the definition of who is a child and that does not excuse any form of rape, incest nor defilement,” she added.
Government Concerned With Increasing Defilement Cases
The Fuel of Betrayal: How Zambia Pays the Price While Angola Pumps Prosperity
In a world where a mere kilometer can separate abundance from austerity, Zambia stands as a cautionary tale a nation paying triple for fuel while its oil-rich neighbor Angola practically gives it away. The numbers are damning. The irony is heartbreaking. And the silence? Deafening.
In Angola, a liter of petrol goes for just $0.327. In Zambia, the same liter costs $1.163 an unforgiving difference of $0.836 per liter. It’s a pricing gap that transcends economics. It screams geopolitical miscalculation. It exposes a failure of vision. And it leaves Zambian households, transporters, and small businesses crushed under the weight of a commodity that should be affordable in a region so rich in resources.
Angola isn’t just lucky — it’s strategic. Ranked as Africa’s fourth-largest oil producer and 18th globally, Angola pumps out about 1.2 million barrels of crude oil every day, yet consumes only 150,000 barrels domestically. The rest over 1 million barrels daily is exported, earning the country a staggering $31.4 billion in 2024 alone. China, Spain, India, France, and the Netherlands are top destinations for Angolan crude. But not Zambia. Never Zambia.
Instead, Lusaka turns 7,000 kilometers eastward to import refined petroleum from the Middle East, burning through nearly $1.8 billion annually for approximately 2 million metric tons of petroleum products. The irony? Zambia and Angola share 1,110 kilometers of border, are both members of SADC, and sit just 2,300 kilometers apart by road. Yet one pumps prosperity while the other imports poverty.
This is not a story about oil alone. It is a story of the betrayal of potential. A story of how Africa’s borders, drawn in Berlin and maintained in boardrooms, continue to suffocate cooperation. Why has Zambia failed to ink a bilateral fuel deal with Angola, especially when doing so could cut pump prices by nearly $0.60 per liter even at Angola’s retail price?
The answer lies in decades of dependence. In systems designed to keep Africa externally reliant. In politics that reward inefficiency and diplomacy that lacks boldness. And in leaders more willing to fly to Dubai than to drive to Luanda.
The consequences are not abstract. For Zambians, high fuel prices mean higher transport costs, more expensive food, shrinking disposable income, and stalled development. A boda rider in Lusaka pays more per liter than an Uber driver in Madrid. This isn’t just unfair it’s enraging. And yet, it doesn’t have to be this way.
Imagine an Africa where borders mean opportunity, not isolation. Where Angola supplies oil not just to the West, but to its neighbors under African terms. Where Zambia, DRC, and Malawi enter joint refining and distribution agreements. Where infrastructure is built to connect, not to divide. Where policy is driven by Pan-African logic, not colonial hangovers.
Africa has been cheated by others yes. But it is also cheating itself. And that must stop.
The Zambian government has a duty to act not tomorrow, but now. Negotiations with Angola should not be diplomatic dreams but operational realities. Establish a corridor. Sign a deal. Build a refinery. Bring fuel home.
Because until Africa learns to do business with itself, it will continue buying back its blessings at a premium.
This is a call to rethink. To revolt gently, wisely, and purposefully — against the systems that no longer serve us. It’s time we stopped being grateful for crumbs while we sit on gold.
Let Zambia be the last country where a liter of fuel costs a mother her meal, a child their school fees, and a nation its dignity when help is just across the border.
Message For Today:By His Stripes
Today’s Scripture
But He was wounded for our transgressions, He was bruised for our iniquities; the chastisement for our peace was upon Him, and by His stripes we are healed.
Isaiah 53:5, NKJV
By His Stripes
Friend, imagine Jesus sitting at the right hand of the Father and hearing us pray, “Lord, if it’s Your will, You can heal me.” He says to the Father, “So after I took all those stripes, endured all that pain for them, to take their sickness, now they’re wondering if it’s My will?” That doesn’t honor God. After the price He paid, the way to honor God is to have the attitude: “Lord, I know You want to heal me.”
We see all through the Scripture that healing is His will. One of the best things we can do is to remind God of what He says. If you want to pray with confidence, bring His stated will to Him. Pray what He promises. “God, You say You will restore health to me. You say You took my infirmities, carried my sickness, and by Your stripes I have been healed. You say You wish above all things that I prosper and be in good health.” When you pray the promises, you won’t say “if it is Your will,” because you know His will.
A Prayer for Today
“Father, thank You that You have come into my life as my Savior, as my provider, and as Jehovah Rapha, the Lord my healer. Thank You that it is Your stated will to heal and restore. I will trust You to keep me strong and healthy, always taking new ground. In Jesus’ Name, Amen.”
President Hichilema Unveils JCHX Mining as Strategic Investor in Lubambe Copper Mine
President Hakainde Hichilema officiated the unveiling of JCHX Mining Limited as the new strategic investor in Lubambe Copper Mine Limited, marking a significant milestone in Zambia’s mining sector. The ceremony, held in Chililabombwe, also featured the groundbreaking of the mine’s deep ore body project—an initiative aimed at boosting Zambia’s copper production in line with the national target of 3 million tonnes annually by 2031.
In his address, President Hichilema described the occasion as a critical inflection point in the country’s journey to unlocking its vast mineral wealth. He emphasized that Zambia’s economic transformation hinges on attracting investments that yield measurable outcomes for both citizens and the national treasury.
“We were honoured to participate in this historic moment,” the President said. “Our economic vision is anchored on attracting investment that delivers measurable impact. We cannot build a resilient nation if we consume more than we produce. That path leads to unsustainable debt and missed opportunities.”
He reiterated the importance of productive sectors such as mining and agriculture in generating long-term employment, fostering entrepreneurship, and increasing revenue for national development.
The President commended Lubambe Copper Mine and ZCCM-IH for sustaining operations through turbulent periods and applauded the Minister of Mines and Minerals Development for his role in securing this pivotal transaction.
“This spirit of partnership, rooted in mutual trust and shared values, is essential for driving sustainable economic growth,” Hichilema added.
The entry of JCHX Mining—a Chinese-based mining services firm—into Lubambe is expected to revitalize operations at the site, injecting both capital and technical expertise. This collaboration comes at a time when Zambia is actively seeking to position itself as a global leader in copper production amid growing demand for green energy minerals.
Faith Bwalya Makes History for Zambia at Miss World 2025
Faith Bwalya has etched her name in Zambia’s history books by becoming the nation’s first representative to reach the Top 40 at the Miss World pageant. The 24-year-old medical professional from Kitwe achieved this milestone during the 72nd Miss World Grand Finale held at the HITEX Exhibition Centre in Hyderabad, India .
Bwalya secured her spot in the Top 40 through the Head-to-Head Challenge, where she impressed judges with her eloquence and advocacy on global issues . Her advancement marks a significant achievement for Zambia, highlighting the country’s growing presence on the international pageant stage.
First Lady Mutinta Hichilema extended her support to Bwalya, stating, “Wishing Faith Bwalya all the best as she steps into her moment of truth at the 72nd Miss World Grand Finale in India. Your journey to the top 40 has already made history, and now, with Zambia behind you, may you shine even brighter on the global stage. Whatever the outcome, your grace, intelligence, and passion have made your nation proud. Go forth with confidence” .
The Miss World 2025 title was ultimately awarded to Suchata Chuangsri of Thailand, marking the country’s first win at the pageant .
Bwalya’s accomplishment has been celebrated across Zambia, with many expressing pride in her representation and the positive spotlight she has brought to the nation. Her journey serves as an inspiration to many and underscores the potential of Zambian talent on global platforms.
Ambassador Chibesakunda Presents Letters Of Credence To Polish President
Her Excellency Mrs. Winnie Chibesakunda presented her Letters of Credence to His Excellency Mr. Andrzej Duda, President of the Republic of Poland, at the Belvedere Palace in Warsaw on Wednesday 28th May 2025, accrediting her as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Republic of Zambia to the Republic of Poland on a non-resident basis.
During the ceremony, Ambassador Chibesakunda conveyed to President Duda the warmest and cordial greetings and best wishes from President Hakainde Hichilema and the people of Zambia to the Government and people of Poland.
And during a private meeting with the Ambassador, after receiving her Credentials, President Duda recognized the important relations that exist between Zambia and Poland and reaffirmed his country’s desire to enhance areas of cooperation such as Education, ICT and Energy.
In response, Ambassador Chibesakunda thanked President Duda for the support that Zambia had received from Poland during the evacuation of Zambian students from Ukraine at the inception of the war.
Ambassador Chibesakunda also informed President Duda that Zambia is open for investment and partnerships for mutual benefit, which will in turn lead to development and employment creation.
She noted that Zambia’s food security was greatly affected as agriculture is largely rain fed, adding that the Zambian Government has put in place measures and new projects to counter the negative effects of the devastating drought experienced during the 2023/2024 farming season.
Ambassador Chibesakunda appealed to President Duda for investments from the Polish private sector in mechanized agriculture, which is inclusive of irrigation systems and water harvesting methods, and Investment in alternative energies to avoid dependency on hydro power.
She thanked President Duda for the role the Polish missionaries and nuns have played in Zambia over the years, noting that the Kasisi Orphanage was one example of the dedication and compassion the Polish people have shown to some of the vulnerable people in Zambia.
President Duda assured Ambassador Chibesakunda of his country’s support during her tour of duty and looked forward to further cooperation between the two countries
Issued by Lubinda Kashewe
First Secretary-Press
Embassy of the Republic of Zambia- Germany
Trump’s new tax clause will deter foreign investment: deVere CEO
A clause tucked into President Trump’s latest budget bill could prove deeply destabilizing for markets and US industry, warns Nigel Green, CEO of deVere Group, one of the world’s largest independent financial advisory and asset management organizations.
Section 899, passed last week by the House of Representatives, would give the US authority to impose heavier taxes on businesses and investors linked to countries it deems to have hostile or discriminatory tax practices.
Nigel Green says: “The measure risks detonating investor confidence and could set off a damaging pullback of foreign capital just as the US needs it most.
“It punishes the very people whose capital keeps American businesses growing, whose investments fund US debt, and whose companies are employing millions of US workers.
“If Washington wants to repel foreign investment into America, this is exactly how to do it.”
The scope of the provision is far-reaching. It targets not only international firms with a US presence but also foreign investors in American equities and corporate bonds.
It also removes tax exemptions long enjoyed by sovereign wealth funds, which are key investors in US infrastructure and innovation.
The deVere CEO warns this could fuel a quiet but accelerating exodus from US markets.
“There’s already a shift underway—foreign investors are pulling back from Treasuries, equity inflows are cooling, and confidence is more fragile than policymakers seem to understand,” he explains.
“This bill pours fuel on that fire.”
Data from the Treasury shows that overseas investors have been reducing their exposure to US government bonds, with cumulative holdings down sharply over the past year.
Meanwhile, the US is issuing debt at an unprecedented pace, putting enormous pressure on the market’s ability to absorb the supply.
“The US government is relying on global capital more than ever to fund its deficit. But with this kind of legislation, they’re actively discouraging that capital from sticking around. It’s reckless,” says Nigel Green.
“This isn’t just bad timing, it’s strategic self-harm.”
The deVere CEO is particularly concerned about the potential fallout for American jobs and competitiveness.
Foreign multinationals account for a major share of US employment in key sectors like automotive, pharma, and tech—many of which are located in parts of the country that have benefited from cross-border investment for decades.
“Let’s be clear: this won’t dent bureaucrats in Paris or Seoul—it will hurt factories in Ohio, research hubs in Texas, and small businesses in the Midwest that rely on international partnerships,” notes the deVere chief executive.
“This is about weaponizing tax policy in a way that risks backfiring on American workers.”
He also warns that the measure may provoke countermeasures from key trading partners—something markets are ill-prepared to digest.
“Other countries won’t sit idle while their firms and funds are penalised. They will respond. This means potential tax retaliation, trade frictions, and further fragmentation of an already fragile global economic order.”
He believes the bill contradicts the broader economic goals the administration says it’s pursuing—namely, job creation, reindustrialisation, and making the US more attractive for manufacturing.
“Investment doesn’t happen in a vacuum. It flows where it’s welcome. If the US signals it’s turning inward and becoming hostile to foreign capital, that money will find new homes.
“The consequences won’t be theoretical—they’ll be felt in payrolls, property markets, and capital costs.”
Nigel Green is calling for immediate reconsideration of the clause before it becomes law.
He concludes: “America’s strength has always come from its openness—its role as the go-to destination for global enterprise and investment. This budget clause sends the opposite message.
“It risks undoing decades of progress and deterring the very investment the economy needs most.”
Presidency Bound by Law in Suspension of Madam Justice Emelia Phiri Sunkutu – Kawana
The government has firmly dismissed allegations that tribalism influenced the recent suspension of High Court Judge, Madam Justice Emelia Phiri Sunkutu. Speaking during a joint press briefing in Lusaka, Information and Media Permanent Secretary Mr. Thabo Kawana stressed that President Hakainde Hichilema was constitutionally obligated to act on the directive of the Judicial Complaints Commission (JCC).
“The President has no alternative, no discretion, but only to do that which the JCC has asked. This is not a matter of choice, but a constitutional process,” Mr. Kawana said.
He further explained that the JCC has 30 days to hear the matter and determine whether the suspension should be upheld or lifted, urging the public to respect the legal process and avoid misrepresenting it along tribal or political lines.
Meanwhile, Permanent Secretary for Technical Services in the Ministry of Local Government and Rural Development, Mr. Nicholas Phiri, addressed progress on the Constituency Development Fund (CDF) procured ambulances. He confirmed that despite minor logistical setbacks, the government is on course to deliver all 156 ambulances by August 2025, circumstances permitting.
“We already have 47 ambulances in custody. Five were received on Wednesday and 24 more have crossed into Zambia from Tanzania,” Mr. Phiri announced.
Each ambulance, procured at a significantly reduced cost of approximately K2.3 million (USD 85,000–89,000), represents a major improvement in cost-efficiency compared to past purchases that reportedly reached USD 230,000 per unit.
The procurement reflects the government’s continued efforts to ensure value for money, expand healthcare access, and strengthen local accountability through the CDF mechanism.
Both officials emphasized that the government remains transparent, accountable, and committed to serving the interests of all Zambians through constitutional governance and equitable development.
Unpacking the dangers of the Constitution of Zambia (Amendment) Bill
Part I
By Sishuwa Sishuwa
A national constitution is a social contract that sets out the rules by which the people agree to govern themselves. This explains why the making of a constitution or any amendment to it must always come from the people, bottom up. However, this has not always been the case.
Constitution-making or amendment has been a subject of fierce contestation between the people and the officials entrusted to manage public affairs – in this case, the presidency.Those in the executive arm of government often want to change, abuse, or simply ignore the rules in the constitution so that they can pursue their narrow interests while the people always
insist that the constitution reflects their aspirations and that the officials should respect it and promote the public good or common interests. This battle for greater control over the constitution is at the heart of the latest attempt by President Hakainde Hichilema to change Zambia’s constitution, a year before the country goes to the polls and less than ten years after
the Constitution was passed.
On 23 May 2025, the government published the Constitution of Zambia (Amendment) Bill Number 7 of 2025. The publication of Bill 7 represents the clearest evidence that Hichilema is proceeding to make changes to Zambia’s constitution despite strong public opposition to his plans. Broad sections of civil society, opposition parties, and ordinary citizens had asked
the president to abandon the exercise for four main reasons. The first is timing. Some argued that it is too early to change a Constitution that was only repealed and re-enacted in January 2016 with the full support of Hichilema’s members of parliament. Others suggested that the exercise, coming so close to the 13 August 2026 general election, risks being clouded by
partisan considerations and should be deferred to 2027. The second reason for objection is that changing the Constitution now is premature. Many of its provisions are yet to be tested, an essential way of identifying any possible shortcomings
that might require attention. Those that have been tested so far have acquitted themselves well. In fact, some of the institutions and statutes that are supposed to be created to support
the Constitution are yet to be actualised. A great example here is the Political Parties Bill which, according to Article 60 (4) of the current Constitution, should provide for: the establishment and management of a Political Parties’ Fund to provide financial support to political parties with seats in the National Assembly; the accounts of political parties which
are funded under the Political Parties’ Fund and the submission of audited accounts by political parties; the sources of funds for political parties; and the maximum amount of money to be used for campaigns during elections.
The third criticism rests on priorities: that constitutional reform, if at all it is necessary, is not an urgent concern of most Zambians who are grappling with a cost-of-living crisis, 17-hour daily power cuts, and massive corruption in government that has seen the United States cut aid to Zambia’s health sector. The final criticism is about lack of wider public participation. Unlike previous efforts, the latest effort at rewriting the constitution is primarily driven by the
executive. None of the latest proposals were agreed upon through broad consensus. As a result, they reflect the aspirations not of citizens but of those in power, primarily the president and governing party.
In what has become his trademark response to public concerns, Hichilema simply ignored these combined objections to his plans, and the result is Bill 7. If enacted into law, the proposed changes would have dreadful consequences as they encourage corruption and undermine the principles, values, and legitimacy of the democratic system. There are eight major themes that run through the Bill. These include securing the president’s desire to control parliament; the exclusion of rival candidates through court-engineered disqualification of duly nominated candidates; giving political parties greater control over
elected officials by abolishing by-elections; and political cadrisation of the civil service from the top by lowering the constitutional qualifications for the role of Secretary to Cabinet.
Other themes are the constructive extension of the presidential term of office by removing references to a five-year fixed term of parliament and changing the meaning of a term; and the elimination of the risk of disqualification from seeking elective public office by removing corruption or malpractice from the constitution as a sufficient ground on which anyone may
petition a court to invalidate the completed nomination of a candidate – corrupt incumbent presidents are vulnerable targets here. The remaining themes are facilitating the use of public resources for political campaigns by moving the date of the dissolution of parliament from the current three months to a day before the general election whilst requiring MPs to do no
official work during the final three months; and increasing centralisation of government operations by reversing the 2016 amendment that barred MPs from being councillors, a move that weakened their powers over local authorities and undermined their ability to profit through increased business opportunities.
Over the course of this and next weeks, I will be analysing these themes in no particular order of importance, showing how the Bill’s main proposals are all linked to Hichilema’s partisan interests. As opposed to writing one lengthy commentary, I have decided to serialise my reflections into shorter instalments, spread or published across several days. This approach, I
hope, would enable in-depth discussion of the eight themes. Today, let us start with the first one.
Theme 1. Securing Control of Parliament
The first benefit that Hichilema seeks to achieve through Bill 7 is control of the National Assembly after the next general election or potentially even before. After using the executive-friendly Constitutional Court to block his main rival, former president Edgar Lungu, from contesting the 2026 election, Hichilema is relatively confident of winning. However, he is greatly concerned that he could win the presidential election but lose control of parliament, where rigging is harder, even with his supporters in charge of the country’s electoral management body. To avoid this, the president has proposed to alter the composition of the National Assembly by adding ninety-two new offices of members of parliament (MPs).
After spending a decade and half in opposition politics, Hichilema won the 2021 election with a clear mandate of 59 percent, defeating then incumbent president Edgar Lungu who polled 39 per cent of the total votes cast.However, Hichilema’s party only managed to secure 82 out of the available 156 seats in parliament. Even when the eight nominations that the constitution allows the president to appoint to parliament were added, the ruling United Party for National Development (UPND) was still about 20 seats short of the two-thirds majority (111) needed to make changes to the constitution such as making it easier for the president to gain re-election and extending presidential terms. The former ruling party, the Patriotic Front (PF), won 60 seats while independent candidates secured a record 13 seats. To build the majority that his party was denied at the ballot, Hichilema has spent much of the last three and a half years stealing seats from the main opposition PF and independent lawmakers. To do this, he has abused state institutions such as the police and the judiciary, whose susceptibility to executive influence has enabled a record seven lawmakers to lose their parliamentary seats under dubious circumstances.
Despite these manoeuvres, Hichilema is yet to achieve a clear parliamentary majority, which he now hopes to secure through Bill 7 with three proposals. The first proposal is to create 55 new constituencies by dividing the existing ones into two or three constituencies based on a delimitation report that has been generated by his supporters in the Electoral Commission of
Zambia (ECZ). The report is yet to be made public, but sources in the electoral body disclosed that most of the constituencies that are earmarked for subdivision – such as Itezhi-tezhi and Namwala in Southern Province, Keembe in Central Province, Chongwe in Lusaka,Mufumbwe, Mwinilunga and Kasempa in Northwestern Province, and Senanga and Mulobezi in Western Province – are in in areas that have historically voted for Hichilema. Through gerrymandering, the president is hoping that his party will win most of these new seats, facilitating an even greater majority for the UPND and making it easier for it to make further changes to the constitution in the future.
The second proposal connected to this theme is the introduction of proportional representation that would see the creation of a total of 35 new parliamentary seats that are reserved for women (20 seats), youths (12), and persons with disabilities (3). No explanations have been offered on how these numbers were arrived at. Although the Bill says further mechanisms of how this proposal would work out will be spelt out in subsidiary legislation, it states that these seats will be distributed by the electoral body to political parties “in proportion to the total number of votes obtained by a political party on the proportional representation ballot”. Here, Hichilema is again confident that his party would receive the larger percentage of the votes on proportional representation for political parties and increase its overall majority in parliament.
The third proposal linked to this theme is the increase in the number of nominations to parliament that the constitution allows the president to make. At present, this number stands at 8 and has been like that since 1991. Hichilema is proposing to add two nominations to make it 10. Altogether, he is seeking, through Bill 7, to increase the total number of MPs from the current 164 to 256 in the hope that most of the new 92 seats would belong to his party, giving the president the elusive two-thirds majority that he has long sought and greater control over parliament. Should these proposals pass, they will therefore enable Hichilema to make further changes to the constitution after conducting either the by-elections that could be
created by the passage of Bill 7 or the next general election.
Although no explanation has been offered for the proposed increase in the number of nominated members of the National Assembly, Hichilema’s administration has tendered two reasons for the first two proposals. According to the Minister of Justice, Princess Kasune Zulu, the decision to redraw constituency boundaries is meant to make them smaller, as some MPs have blamed their failure to deliver services and the high turnover at elections on the large size of their constituencies. This reason is misplaced because the constitutional role of MPs in Zambia is to make laws, not to deliver services – a responsibility of the local authorities.
The official justification for the proposed proportional representation is to guarantee seats for women, youths, and persons with disabilities in the National Assembly. This too is most unpersuasive. This is because Article 259 of the current Constitution already provides for the appointment of members of these groups to the National Assembly and other public bodies to promote inclusion and diversity. It states that “Where a person is empowered to make a nomination or an appointment to a public office, that person shall ensure: that fifty percent of each gender is nominated or appointed from the total available positions, unless it is not practicable to do so; and equitable representation of the youth and persons with disabilities,
where these qualify for nomination or appointment.”
If women, youths, and persons with disabilities are currently underrepresented in the National Assembly and other public offices, the problem is not the Constitution, but the lack of respect for it by Hichilema and his officials who are empowered to make appointments. For instance, even though the Constitution calls for equal gender representation in public offices, only four of Hichilema’s 24 cabinet ministers are women, a contravention of the Constitution. To address electoral imbalances, the Constitution, as earlier stated, allows the president to nominate eight persons to parliament (all of whom could have been females and appointed to Cabinet), but Hichilema filled all the slots with older men except one, the 76-year-old
Mutinta Mazoka. Only one of Hichilema’s ten provincial ministers is female, another violation of the Constitution. In the understanding of the UPND, proportional representation is meant to increase the participation of underrepresented minority groups in decision-making positions. Since women constitute the majority demographic in Zambia, the proposal to reserve 20 out of the 256 seats to them is not only an anomaly but also an attempt to water down the existing constitutional provisions on gender parity.
Hichilema has further made no appointments of either youth, constitutionally defined as someone between the ages of 18 and 35, or persons with disabilities to Cabinet, the National Assembly, or provincial ministerial leadership – a clear violation of the Constitution. Taken together, this concerning record shows that Hichilema is suffering from a disability of a mental kind: the incapacity to follow the Constitution. If the president cannot do what the Constitution currently demands of him, assuming he has read and understood it, why should anyone believe that the addition of 20 women, 12 youths, and 3 persons with disabilities –who will come from different political parties – is the missing cure to his demonstrated lack of respect for the Constitution? Insisting that only the law can cure a character flaw such as misogyny, or the lack of individual will to change for the better, is akin to having a lying or thieving president who insists that he or she cannot stop stealing or telling lies unless the national constitution is amended to provide for adequate provisions that encourage the truth and honesty.
It is also worth noting that the low number of women, youths, and persons with disabilities in parliament has little to do with the Constitution; it is a consequence of a long-standing patriarchal culture in the main political parties that does not favour the adoption of members of these groups during nominations for elective public office. For instance, both the UPND
and the PF adopted the lowest number of female and youth parliamentary candidates in the 2021 general election. As detailed in nearly all the reports of different election observation missions, smaller opposition parties such as the Socialist Party and the Democratic Party had more women and youths than male parliamentary candidates in 2021. Hichilema and the UPND’s lack of respect for women, youths, and persons with disabilities is further illustrated by the fact that they have not adopted a single representative of these groups in any of the five parliamentary by-elections that have been held since the 2021 election. Only yesterday, the ruling party announced that it has adopted an older, non-disabled, male person as its candidate for the forthcoming Lumezi parliamentary by-election in Eastern Province. How does Hichilema hope to fix a problem on national scale that he has failed to address in his own party?Based on current evidence, the problem of low representation of women is clearly not the law; it is entrenched patriarchy, which, for Hichilema, regularly finds public expression in his language and behaviour. Since the Constitution already provides for gender parity in public appointments and for the inclusion of marginalised groups such as persons with disabilities, what is needed is to enact subsidiary legislation that would give expression to these constitutional principles such as compelling political parties to adopt more women, youths,and persons with disabilities during elections. A more effective response is for UPND to take to parliament the earlier mentioned and long-awaited Political Parties Bill that can require all political parties contesting in a general election to ensure that at least fifty percent of their adopted candidates for all elective public positions are women, youths, and persons with disabilities. There is clearly no need to change the Constitution for the purpose of providing what is already provided for in the current law. Proportional representation is a ruse meant to hoodwink women, youths, and persons with disabilities into supporting Bill 7 based on the false premise that it advances their interests when, in fact, it does not.
Moreover, in the run-up to the 2021 election, Hichilema’s predecessor, Lungu, took to parliament a constitutional amendment bill, infamously known as Bill 10, which contained some of the proposals that Hichilema is now seeking to introduce such as proportional representation for women, youths, and persons with disabilities. Ironically, Lungu used the same justifications that Hichilema and his officials are employing today in support of Bill 7. At the time, Hichilema commendably instructed his MPs to reject Bill 10 on the ground that the proposals represented a partisan rather than national exercise. What has changed today?
Why are the same proposals bad when presented by Lungu, but good when presented by Hichilema and the UPND?Is there any principle or belief that Hichilema held prior to the 2021 election – and which earned him the support of many – that he has since not abandoned? What exactly does Hichilema really stand for? Is it even worth exposing his hypocrisy on different key issues since he appears to enjoy immunity from shame? Put differently, does Hichilema ever feel guilt, shame, or embarrassment for all the lies and horrible things he says and does? For even his most ardent supporters must concede that he is behaving disgracefully in power. It bothers me greatly that Zambia has a president who constantly tells lies and easily changes his
position on many subjects whenever it is politically expedient but does not seem bothered by how this despicable conduct erodes public trust in his leadership. If Hichilema can feel shame, now would be a good time to start showing it in his actions, speech, and behaviour. Failure to do this, citizens with an active conscience may have to assume the burden of feeling embarrassed on his behalf, in addition to enduring the many hardships that his administration has unleashed on them. If God gave me an opportunity to ask Him only one question, it would be this: Mwelesa, bushe Hichilema mwamufumishe kwisa?
Zambia loses election for AfDB top post
By Benedict Tembo
ZAMBIA has lost the bid to win the super banker position at the African Development Bank (AfDB) after her candidate Samuel Munzele Maimbo lost to Mauritania’s former economy minister Sidi Ould Tah during elections held today in Abidjan, Cote D’Ivoire.
Dr Maimbo along with four other candidates began the contest at the AfDB Annual Meetings.
Dr Maimbo was in pole position in the first round, marshalling 40.41 percent of the votes against Dr Tah’s 33.21 while Senegal’s Amadou Hott had 17.62, South Africa’s Bajabulile Swazi Tshabalala trailing in fourth place with 8.24 and Chad’s Mahamat Abbas Tolli in distant fifth with a paltry 0.52 votes.
But after two rounds of voting, Dr Tah was in front with 48.41 percent of the ballot, Dr Maimbo trailed in second place to 36.68 percent, Senegal’s Amadou Hott in third with 9.02 percent Bajabulile Swazi Tshabalala, who eventually dropped out of the race after managing only 5.90 percent.
The winner had to secure both a majority of votes from all member countries and a majority of votes from African nations.
At that point, Dr Tah had snatched 68.42 percent of African votes compared to 18.77 percent for Dr Maimbo going into the third round.
Dr Tah polled a runaway 76.18 percent against Dr Maimbo’s 20.26.
Dr Tah replaces Nigeria’s Akinwumi Adesina who headed the AfDB for 10 years.
Dr Maimbo was magnanimous in defeat and congratulated Dr Tah for the victory.
“I wish to congratulate Dr. Sidi Ould Tah on his successful election as the President-elect of the African Development Bank Group,” he said
Dr Maimbo said he entered the race for the AfDB presidency driven by love and deep concern for the African continent, and offered a vision for Africa’s future.
” Today, the Governors have chosen the leader they believe will best deliver the vision of the Africa we want at this pivotal moment,” Dr Maimbo said in a message shared by Ministry of Finance public relations officer Chileshe Kandeta.
He paid gratitude to all the governments, private sector partners, and young people who supported his campaign.
“The work for Africa’s development and prosperity continues, and I remain committed to our shared goal of building a thriving continent,” Dr Maimbo said.
Although Zambia will be consoled by the election of Shebo Nalishebo as AfDB executive director representing Botswana, Malawi, Mauritius, and Zambia on the bank’s Group Board of Directors, Dr Maimbo’s flop is a bitter pill to swallow considering the growing list of other Zambians effort to head international bodies being unsuccessful.
Two months ago, former FAZ president Andrew Kamanga failed in his bid to be elected to FIFA despite endorsements from COSAFA and CECAFA.
Mubita Nawa’s candidature for the candidacy for the International Criminal Police Organisation (INTERPOL) Secretary General was also unsuccessful.
In 2013, minister of Technology and Science Felix Mutati’s dream of heading the United National Conference on Trade and Development as Secretary General flopped after then UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon snubbed him.
Mr. Ban instead nominated Mukhisa Kituyi of Kenya to serve as Secretary-General of UNCTAD for a term of four years beginning September 1, 2013.
In 2008, Inonge Mbikusita-Lewanika, lost the bid for the position of African Union Commission chairperson.
Dr Mbikusita-Lewanika, who was Zambia’s Ambassador to United States of America, lost the position to Gabonese foreign affairs minister, Jean Ping, during the elections held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.
Like Mr Kamanga’s case, SADC endorses Zambian candidates and end up doing the opposite when it comes to voting.
It was the same for Dr Maimbo as some of the countries that voted for Zambia in the first round defected in the third round.
Trump’s threat to cut off HIV aid might be the wake-up call we need
Dr. Manto Tshabalala-Msimang, South Africa’s Health Minister from 1999 to 2008, gained notoriety for promoting beetroot and other vegetables as treatments for HIV/AIDS. She was terribly misguided; millions suffered unnecessarily, but what if she’d advocated for a return to the traditional African diet? We might have witnessed a miracle.
“Mysterious” HIV first caught medical attention in 1981 among gay men in Los Angeles. It emerged that the virus was already spreading among heterosexual black African populations in sub-Saharan Africa. Modern travel explains the 16,000 km gap between LA and Central Africa but not, “Why these two specific populations?”
We need to go back 50 million years. As the earth began cooling again, primates migrated to the tropics. Those that chose Africa encountered the simian immunodeficiency virus (SIV)—HIV’s likely ancestor. While researchers date HIV’s emergence in humans to the 1930s in sub-Saharan Africa, they don’t answer the most important question: “Why the 1930s?”
We evolved in Africa; as “modern” humans, we’ve been around for 300,000 years. SIV must have reached some equilibrium with human hosts; otherwise, we wouldn’t have survived. It is clear that the humans of Africa in the last 20,000 years were remarkable specimens, certainly bigger, stronger, and more resilient than today’s top athletes. Early settlers in Zimbabwe (1900) described the indigenous people as physically impressive, with “tall, dark beauties” and “sculptured” men possessing remarkable energy. What went wrong in just 30 years?
The story of two Ndebele kings mirrors what was happening all over Africa, which was to change the continent forever.
Mzilikazi, the founder of the Ndebele Kingdom, chose modern-day Bulawayo to settle because there was nowhere else. Hemmed in by the Mashona, Manica, Zulu, and Afrikaner, only modern-day Botswana lay open, and it was desert. He knew, too, that all of them were as trapped as the next. So when this “maize” the Portuguese had introduced arrived, although he must have watched with trepidation as his women planted it, he couldn’t ban it. Only the Afrikaner Boer resisted—for now, and they could because they “farmed” their livestock. The black Africans didn’t—they only slaughtered their own livestock on special spiritual occasions, for they were the measure of a tribe’s standing with its gods. Livestock were their bank. No king wanted to see their animals converted into mobile larders; the slow acceptance of “agriculture” and the depletion of the stock of wild animals continued.
A striking and imposing figure to the end, Mzilikazi died of old age in 1868, aged 78. His son Lobengula embraced the new foods. He died at 48 in 1894, suffering from obesity and gout.
The revolution that occurred has never been acknowledged. The traditional African diet—meat-based, nutrient-dense—that fed stomachs especially evolved over maybe hundreds of millions of years was completely overthrown by a carbohydrate revolution. Throughout sub-Saharan Africa, it was the same. The key component was maize, and the foundations were laid in just 30 years!
Speaking of my area of knowledge, Southern Africa, by 1910 there were widespread reports of blacks clearing lands and ripping up the earth with iron-ox-drawn ploughs. Increasingly, whites were engaging blacks to grow maize for them.
The 1930s has a special place in this HIV/AIDS story. Maize was eaten for breakfast, lunch, and supper by blacks everywhere. This generation of parents was the first to grow up thinking maize was normal, and they were feeding it to their children. Maize was becoming part of the culture. It was in the 1930s that white farmers began growing maize commercially. The “maize belt” was a reality. Southern Africa also experienced its first real black migration from rural homes to the cities. Though it was only to speed up after 1950, two parallel changes were occurring: those at home still treating livestock as their bank carbo-loaded, and those in the cities relied increasingly on packaged and processed foods, including fine-ground maize meal. Throughout, whites maintained a balanced diet of “meat and two veg,” but one change they didn’t escape. When I was growing up in the 1950s in Africa, it seemed that something new and sugar-based was promoted every month. Not only was the diet shift revolution complete, but now people were looking for sugar. In the 60s, a typical lunch for a labourer was “half a loaf and a big Coke.”
A feature of urbanization was the better you were paid, the more sugar and sugar-based whatnots you added to your diet. By 1980, SA, the industrial giant of Africa, was 45% urbanized, and their food came from the shops. In “Beautiful No More: Zimbabwe’s Hidden Crisis on Show,” I wrote that the decline in the health of the blacks of Central and Southern Africa was easily seen as the 70s turned into the 80s. And it was not surprising: the children of 1980 were the great-grandchildren of the Mzilikazi era. They were being fed non-human food by parents whose bodies were already compromised. What had then been external was, by 1980, internal: it was now okay to say a child was born craving. Even if that’s wrong, it is reasonable to say the cumulative effect of the diet change made immune systems more susceptible to infections, including HIV. The statistics show that the HIV virus took full advantage of a population with significant numbers of chronically ill people well able to host it.
While HIV drew the most attention, numerous other “diseases of civilization” emerged: diabetes, fatty liver, IBS, many other gut issues, ADHD, celiac disease, the spurt in autism, various cancers, respiratory issues, increased heart attacks, dementia, and becoming increasingly important because of the social side-effects, depression.
Why aren’t there more whites with HIV? We don’t know, but one thing is certain: the non-black population has never been this metabolically unhealthy. The pharmaceutical and health industries couldn’t have designed a better business model. Who needs to worry about GDP growth when more than half the world needs chronic medication?
Trump’s threat to cut off HIV aid might be the wake-up call we need. Instead of throwing money at treatments, we might finally ask the real questions: Why here? Why then? Why these people?
If only Dr. Beetroot had advocated for returning Africa’s ploughed lands to pasture..
Source:douglasschorr.com
Message to Our Valued Lusaka Times Readers
Dear Readers,
It has come to our attention that some of the ad networks operating on our site have been serving inappropriate advertisements to our users. We understand how frustrating and disappointing this can be, and we want to assure you that we take this matter very seriously.
We are currently investigating the specific ad network responsible for these violations. Our team is working diligently to isolate the issue and resolve it within the next 24 hours.
To be crystal clear, Lusaka Times will not tolerate any ad network that violates our terms of agreement. Any network found to be in breach will be permanently removed and banned from our platform without hesitation.
We sincerely apologize for any inconvenience this may have caused and thank you for your continued support and understanding.
Sincerely,
The Lusaka Times Team
President Hichilema Launches Maize Harvest, Champions Food Security in Namwala
President Hakainde Hichilema, accompanied by First Lady Mutinta Hichilema, launched the maize harvest at the couple’s Ibamba Farm in Namwala District on Wednesday, reaffirming his government’s and personal commitment to improving national food security.
Speaking during the harvest, President Hichilema emphasized the importance of transforming Zambia into a self-reliant food-producing nation amid the growing threat of climate change. “We made a commitment to continue being part of the solution towards increased food security in the country,” he said.
The President noted that land previously used for cattle ranching at Ibamba Farm has been diversified for crop production, a shift he said is vital for climate resilience. “With unpredictable weather patterns due to climate change, it is important that we invest in alternative farming activities such as irrigation agriculture,” he added.
President Hichilema set a national target of ensuring food reserves sufficient for at least three years, even in drought-prone periods like the one experienced last season. “Our target is to reach levels where, as a country, we can be food secure for at least three years,” he stated.
He urged citizens to prioritize household food needs before considering commercial sales. “We keep urging citizens to prioritise food security at household levels before considering selling the surplus,” the President said.
In addition to the maize harvest, the President confirmed that wheat has already been planted for the current season, demonstrating a multi-crop approach to agriculture.
Concluding his remarks, President Hichilema encouraged all Zambians to participate in food production. “Eaten today? Thank the farmer! Let’s be food producers and not only consumers,” he declared.
The event underscores the government’s broader agricultural agenda, which includes expanding irrigation systems, increasing support for small-scale farmers, and ensuring that Zambia can withstand global food supply shocks.
Former Inmate Reunites with Mumba During Nyimba Visit: “God Always Has a Purpose”
A routine drive through Nyimba turned into a moment of reflection and emotional reunion MMD President Dr. Nevers Mumba, who encountered a familiar face from his past—one of his fellow inmates from his 2016 incarceration at Mwembeshi Prison.
Dr. Mumba shared the moving encounter in a public message, recounting how the young man approached him with a broad smile and a heartwarming spirit. “These men protected me and served as my supervisors and guardians,” Mumba said, recalling his time behind bars. “We shared food, prayers, and church services.”
“The reasons behind God’s guidance through certain experiences may be unknown,” he said, “but it is clear that He always guides us, and there is always a purpose.”
The reunion in Nyimba, brief but meaningful, served as a powerful reminder of resilience, forgiveness, and the unexpected ways in which life journeys come full circle.
Mumba, known for his outspoken Christian faith and leadership in politics, described the moment as deeply symbolic. “It affirmed that even the darkest seasons of our lives can bear fruit when we trust in God’s plan,” he said.
The story has since resonated on social media, with many praising Mumba’s humility and reflection on redemption and divine providence.