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Zambia’s financial stability under threat

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Dr Denny Kalyalya

The Bank of Zambia has noted that weakening economic growth, load shedding and tightening liquidity in Zambia are threatening financial stability in the market.

And the Central Bank’s Monetary Policy Committee has maintained the policy rate, a key determinant in lending rates, at 10.25 percent.

BoZ Governor Denny Kalyalya says the committee took into account projected inflation remaining above the upper bound of the 6.8 percent target range, tightened liquidity and reduced production owing to electricity challenges.

Dr. Kalyalya noted that increased food prices owing to droughts in the last farming season have also had a negative toll on inflation.

He says the above factors required the upward adjustment for the policy rate but the Central Bank had to hold it pending some measures by the Ministry of Finance.

Speaking during the MPC quarterly briefing in Lusaka today Dr. Kalyalya noted that global growth has equally weakened with demand for copper by China having reduced owing to decline in investment in emerging markets and reduction in global trade due to ongoing trade tensions between the USA and China among others.

And Bank of Zambia Deputy Governor Operations Francis Chipimo said access to finance has remained a challenge for private sector growth and investment.

Dr. Chipimo however said there are a lot of developmental issues being undertaken aimed at enabling the financial sector mobilize savings and lend money to investors with ideas.

Why 2021 is critical for ECL and HH

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HH and President Lungu meet at late Munkombwe’s burial in Choma
HH and President Lungu meet at late Munkombwe’s burial in Choma

By Chimwemwe Mwanza

Vicious, vindictive and vengeful aptly describes the Zambian political arena. Former Presidents, Kenneth Kaunda, Rupiah Banda and the late Frederick Chiluba all have scars to prove this. In the 80’s, Kaunda locked up Chiluba on flimsy charges that failed to hold in a court of law. After he became Head of State, Chiluba retaliated by sending Kaunda to Mukobeko maximum prison.

The irony for Chiluba is that his handpicked successor, Levy Mwanawasa motivated Parliament to waive off the latter’s immunity thereby exposing Chiluba to several graft charges formulated by the now defunct Task Force on Corruption. With his legacy tainted by a skewed narrative, only death saved Chiluba from possible jail time. To erase his predecessor’s legacy and ensure his humiliation, the late Sata’s PF re-created this trend by consigning Rupiah to a life of court appearances.

Off significance to this conversation, UPND leader, Hakainde Hichilema (HH) served time in Lilayi prison on a laughable treason charge – this at the hands of the current PF regime. For a fact, HH has never hidden his disdain for President Edgar Lungu and his stint in a tiny Lilayi prison cell has probably served to reinforce the UPND leader’s contempt for the President.

Just why such vindictiveness and blatant abuse of power seems to gratify incumbents is hard to understand. In the absence of reason, one might well speculate that this show of brutality is all about a naked flexing of political muscle – a bit more like, ‘can I show you who is the boss’. Whatever the reason, the difficulty is that this trend erodes the very democratic tenets and political maturity that Zambia is renowned for in the rest of Africa and the world over.

Which makes 2021 an interesting contest. Other than bread and butter issues, the fore mentioned factors will weigh heavily on the minds of both President Lungu and HH heading closer to the polls.

Who is likely to win?

The tiny but seismic shift in fundamentals on the ground seem to suggest that this will be a closely fought contest. Besides, recent electoral predictions across the globe – even by the most experienced pundits have gone against the grain making it even more difficult to provide an accurate outcome.

For example, in 2012, several analysts predicted an outright victory for Rupiah’s MMD only for the PF to spring a surprise. Suffice to acknowledge that, while characteristics of the Zambian electoral landscape may differ in comparison to mature democracies, there are similarities to draw from – especially in elections where the voter’s desire for change outweighs any other considerations.

Unaware of a groundswell desire for change, an over-confident former British Premier, David Cameroon called a snap referendum to determine Britain’s future in the European Union (EU). He was stunned at the outcome. Against odds, the British electorate voted for Brexit thus paving the way for what has now become Britain’s messy divorce from the EU trade block.

Humiliated by a razor thin loss to Brexit supporters, Cameroon was forced to call his time as leader of the conservative party. In yet one of the biggest election upsets of the 21st century, Donald Trump steam-rolled establishment candidate, Hillary Clinton to become the 45th President of the US. Therefore, the notion that either the PF or UPND might have an edge over the other heading towards 2021 is fallacious. Truth is, this is an election that could swing either way.

Why ECL will be desperate to win

Despite the PF’s public show of confidence, their determined focus on HH and constant whip-lashing of his perceived tribal inclinations, best illustrates their genuine fears and by extention their desperation. Rightly so, they can’t afford to be complacent. 2021 will be a referendum on their ten years in power. Be rest assured that this is one election where the PF’s well – oiled propaganda machinery will likely throw both the sink and kitchen at the UPND bearing in mind what is at stake. In fact, the proposed amendment to the constitution is intended to disadvantage the opposition ahead of the polls.

What troubles the mind is that the current constitution which the PF is attempting to discard was signed into law by the sitting President amid a jam-packed Independence stadium. Three years later, it’s tempting to ask. What has changed to warrant an amendment to this sacred document? By now, PF knows too well that the much-punted humility of their candidate might be a hard-sale more so to an electorate that appears too desperate for change. They can’t afford lethargic arguments such as they being the only party with a manifesto. Need they be reminded that having a manifesto is one thing and delivering on its content is another.

What about the promise that they would lower taxes and put more money in the pockets of the working class? Did they deliver on such including creation of job opportunities? You be the judge. The President is aware that he will be facing an electorate that is weary of rising food costs. A persistent drought over the last two seasons has only compounded the hunger situation – more so in outlying areas of the country. In addition, the policy uncertainty in mining taxation and the stand – off between government and sections of the mining community is taking its toll on economic growth. Perceptions around inaction on corruption might not help his cause either. While some of these challenges might not be, the PF’s making, the electorate always tend to punish a sitting government for their suffering – sometimes unfairly so.

Never mind whether HH has genuine or has yet to formulate charges against the PF, he has consistently warned that the PF leadership will be called to account for wrong doing once he becomes President. The tacit implication of this threat is that, HH is already extending bed spaces at Chimbokaila, Kamwala Remand and possibly Lilayi prisons for use by the PF leadership. And knowing fully well what is at stake, a possible loss is too ghastly for the PF to contemplate. For President Lungu, there will be no better motivation to win the polls than lose to a sworn rival.

Its State House or bust for HH

PF has over-exposed the country to a mountain of debt that will outlive generations to come. It is precisely why the 2021 polls will boil down to the economy. As a businessman, HH knows too well the implications of our foreign debt on the fiscus. Zambia can’t afford to keep borrowing to fund consumption and expenditure on non-productive sectors of the economy.

This is the message he has been selling the grassroots. For a fact, he has the support of the broader investment community, including some global mining giants. Most important though, the International Monetary Fund appears to have factored in his possible victory in 2021 hence their reluctance to engage the current government on a possible economic rescue package.

The question is, has the UPND leader’s message of change found resonance with the electorate? While he appeals to the affluent and middle class in Parklands, Kansenshi and Kabulonga, the grassroots in Mandevu, kwa Nagoli and Chamboli seem to be struggling to grasp his vision for the country. Be reminded that he desperately needs this voting block to win the elections.

Against the backdrop of challenges, this looks like HH’s election to lose. Fact is, he can’t afford a record of 4 election loses on the trot. Such a scenario will certainly cast him into political wilderness and the glue that’s bound the UPND together over the years will finally loosen. Is this what he wants?

It’s entirely up to him and how he manages his campaign otherwise it might just well be that he will once again fall short of expectation and hand the PF another 5 years in power. And him being such a vexatious litigant, our Supreme and Constitutional courts will likely be kept busy. Watch this space.

The author is an avid reader of political history and philosophy. He loves Nshima with game meat. For feedback contact him on kwachaoneATgmailDOTcom

President Hichilema Empowers Southern Province With 595 BP and Glucose Testing Machines

President Hichilema Empowers Southern Province With 595 BP and Glucose Testing Machines

In a bold show of commitment to strengthening Zambia’s healthcare system at the grassroots, President Hakainde Hichilema has donated 595 blood pressure monitoring machines along with 595 glucose testing devices to the Southern Province’s Health Learners Programme.

The symbolic handover was conducted by Alfred Sakwiya, Director for Enhanced Public Services under the Presidential Delivery Unit (PDU), during a graduation ceremony for over 500 health learner professionals. The event marks a significant milestone in the government’s effort to integrate preventative healthcare and practical training into schools and communities across the province.

Speaking on behalf of the Head of State, Mr. Sakwiya said the donation reflects President Hichilema’s unwavering vision to equip public institutions with vital tools to improve access to quality health services and empower a new generation of frontline caregivers.

“On behalf of the President, I extend heartfelt appreciation for your service,” Sakwiya said. “This donation of 595 BP and 595 glucose testing machines demonstrates his deep commitment to ensuring that learners are not just educated but equipped with the means to serve.”

The machines are expected to significantly boost the capacity of health learners in delivering real-time diagnostic services, thereby enhancing early detection and management of lifestyle diseases such as hypertension and diabetes.

Also speaking at the ceremony, Southern Province Minister Credo Nanjuwa—through a speech read on his behalf by Deputy Permanent Secretary Yolanta Malunga—praised the initiative, noting that it would play a pivotal role in supporting the Health Learners Programme’s mission.

“This is more than a donation; it is an investment in our future health leaders and in the wellbeing of our schools and communities,” the Minister stated.

The Health Learners Programme, introduced to improve health literacy and basic medical support in schools, continues to gain traction as an innovative bridge between education and health service delivery. With this latest boost in medical equipment, the programme is expected to scale up its impact in promoting preventative care and early treatment across Southern Province.

Inyatsi Group’s $1 Billion Ascendancy: The Strategic Empire of Michelo Shakantu

Inyatsi Group’s $1 Billion Ascendancy: The Strategic Empire of Michelo Shakantu

In the intricate tapestry of African enterprise, few narratives are as compelling as that of Michelo Shakantu, the Zambian-born Executive Chairman of Inyatsi Group of Companies. Under his stewardship, Inyatsi has metamorphosed from a modest construction firm into a diversified conglomerate, boasting an annual turnover approaching $1 billion (E18 billion), as reported by Forbes Africa Magazine.

Shakantu’s strategic vision has propelled Inyatsi into various sectors, including telecommunications, mining, manufacturing, insurance, financial services, media, and healthcare. Notably, the acquisition of Maloma Colliery, one of Africa’s significant anthracite coal mines, underscores the group’s mining ambitions. In the manufacturing realm, Inyatsi’s takeover of Eswatini Meat Industries, a key supplier to European and Taiwanese markets, marks a significant expansion.

The media landscape in Eswatini has also felt Inyatsi’s influence. The group’s recent acquisition of the Times of Eswatini, the nation’s oldest newspaper, complements its existing media holdings, including Rubicon Media, Eswatini Financial Times, and Eswatini Daily News. This consolidation reflects a broader strategy to integrate and influence various facets of the country’s information dissemination channels.

Shakantu’s approach is characterized by identifying market gaps and providing tailored solutions, a philosophy he articulated in his Forbes Africa interview. This methodology has facilitated Inyatsi’s expansion across multiple African countries, reinforcing its position as a regional powerhouse.

However, Inyatsi’s rapid growth and diversification have not been without scrutiny. Investigations have highlighted the group’s involvement in significant government contracts and financial transactions that have raised questions about transparency and governance. Despite these concerns, Inyatsi continues to be a formidable entity in Eswatini’s economic landscape.

In summary, Michelo Shakantu’s leadership has transformed Inyatsi Group into a multifaceted conglomerate with substantial influence across various sectors in Eswatini and beyond. While its expansion strategies have garnered both admiration and criticism, the group’s impact on the region’s economic development is undeniably significant.

Munir Zulu Sentenced to 18 Months with Hard Labour for Seditious Remarks Against President

Former Lumezi Member of Parliament Munir Zulu, long considered one of the country’s most controversial and defiant political figures, was sentenced to 18 months imprisonment with hard labour by Lusaka Magistrate Trevor Kasanda. The conviction stems from a fiery social media statement posted on September 6, 2023, in which Zulu alleged that President Hakainde Hichilema planned to dissolve Parliament and call for early elections a claim prosecutors successfully argued had seditious intent capable of inciting national instability.

The courtroom was tense as the sentence was read, with Zulu showing little emotion, his defiance now meeting the full weight of the law. In addition to the prison term, he was slapped with a fine of 2,000 Kwacha penalty units. But the sentence was not merely about the utterance of one reckless remark; it marked the crescendo of a long-simmering political saga that has left both supporters and critics in stunned reflection.

Zulu’s rise and fall have been nothing short of sensational. Brash, vocal, and unapologetic, he made headlines in March 2023 by accusing Finance Minister Situmbeko Musokotwane and Infrastructure Minister Charles Milupi of accepting a $250,000 bribe related to a major road contract,allegations he failed to back with evidence, yet which sent shockwaves through the political establishment. That episode ignited lawsuits and threats of legal action from senior government officials and drew sharp criticism from the Anti-Corruption Commission, which refuted Zulu’s claims and called his accusations dangerous and misleading.

As if guided by an unrelenting appetite for controversy, Zulu became a regular fixture in legal and political drama. In October 2023, he made front-page news once again when he accused Water Development Minister Mike Mposha of physically assaulting him inside the National Assembly. Parliament’s own Committee on Privileges later found no merit in the accusation and instead admonished Zulu for what they termed “unparliamentary behavior,” reinforcing an image of a man increasingly isolated by his peers.

His legal troubles only worsened from there. In May 2024, Zulu was arrested and detained on fresh charges of hate speech alongside veteran civil rights activist Brebnar Changala, marking yet another addition to his growing rap sheet. The charge sheet began to read more like a criminal record than the biography of a national lawmaker.

And then came the ultimate sign of his unraveling: in November 2024, his own lawyer, Mcqueen Zaza, dramatically abandoned his case mid-trial, citing professional reasons. With Zulu left unrepresented at one of the most critical junctures of his career, the trajectory was set. The man who once styled himself as the voice of the voiceless, the unfiltered truth-teller in a sea of political silence, now faces the cold walls of a Zambian prison.

Public opinion remains sharply divided. For some, Zulu is a political martyr, a victim of an administration unwilling to tolerate dissent. For others, he is a cautionary tale about the dangers of populism unchecked by responsibility. His imprisonment has fueled new debates on freedom of speech, political accountability, and the limits of parliamentary immunity.

As Zambia looks toward the 2026 elections, Zulu’s downfall sends a powerful message. In the arena of national leadership, where words can stir hope or upheaval, recklessness can be costly. The former MP who once challenged the president to “bring it on” now faces another 18 months behind bars on top of the othe 12monts jail term which he appealed, perhaps the loudest silence he will ever be forced to keep.

Fuel Price Drop a Smokescreen, Says SP Kanyama Chair

Socialist Party Kanyama Constituency Chairperson Brighton Bilumba has dismissed the recent fuel price reductions as a political gimmick, insisting the UPND government has failed to ease the economic burden facing ordinary Zambians.

Speaking after a constituency meeting held at the SP Kanyama office, Bilumba said the announced cuts K27.38 for diesel and K32.14 for petrol may look impressive on paper but do little to make a real difference in people’s lives. He argued that current prices remain far higher than those under the Patriotic Front, pointing out that when the UPND assumed office in 2021, petrol cost K17.62 and diesel was at K15.59.

“These figures are nothing to boast about,” he stated. “Even with the so-called reduction, fuel remains nearly twice what it was. This is not progress it’s deception.”

Bilumba linked the persistently high fuel costs to the UPND’s removal of subsidies in late 2021, a policy shift he blames on the IMF’s reform program. The result, he said, has been a sharp rise in the cost of basic goods, transport, and food, pushing struggling families even further into hardship.

“The poor are paying the price for elite decisions,” Bilumba said. “Government leaders may pat themselves on the back, but ordinary Zambians are feeling the heat every single day.”

Turning to the broader political landscape, Bilumba emphasized the need for opposition parties to set aside differences and work together. He warned that recent disunity had allowed the ruling party to win seats it might otherwise have lost.

“Our people are watching closely,” he cautioned. “Disunity has cost us too much. It’s time to speak with one voice.”

He welcomed the agreement among opposition groups to support a single candidate in the upcoming Lumezi by-election, calling it a step in the right direction. Bilumba urged fellow leaders to prioritize the collective struggle over personal ambition.

“Without unity, our fight for justice stalls. We must be disciplined and united if we hope to deliver meaningful change,” he said.

Bilumba concluded by reaffirming the Socialist Party’s readiness to partner with other progressive forces to offer Zambians a credible, people-first alternative.

“The UPND has shown us where it stands. Now it’s our turn to build a movement rooted in truth, equity, and the daily realities of the people,” he declared.

Why Colonialism Was Actually Good for Africa – Part 3

Why Colonialism Was Actually Good for Africa – Part 3

By Michael Chishala, 2nd May 2025

There were several important benefits of colonialism that are not immediately apparent. The “Scramble for Africa”, driven by selfish economic motives by the European colonial powers had many unintended positive consequences. Rival African tribes that fought bloody wars for many decades were now forced to stop fighting. The Bisa vs Bemba, Zulu vs Ndwandwe, Ngoni vs Chewa and Ndebele vs Shona are a few examples.

Colonialism stopped all these long-running conflicts because slavery, which had become the main driver of endless tribal wars, was eliminated by the colonialists. Colonial rule did not tolerate tribal warfare, as it would take away labour that was needed for mining, infrastructure building and farming. The peace and certainty that came out of this was invaluable for trade and commerce, transportation, human population growth and perhaps most importantly, increasing agricultural output because men were no longer needed to fight wars with other tribes. It now made sense for people to invest in commerce and long term agriculture and adopt modern farming methods since they were no longer under the threat of attack. This led to much faster economic growth, higher incomes and increased life expectancy for Africans.

Another massive benefit was the introduction of modern medicine alongside basic education in hygiene, including boiling drinking water. Before that, Africans died like flies from malaria, cholera, smallpox, tuberculosis, yellow fever, etc. Penicillin was discovered in 1928 by a Scottish Physician and French Chemists synthesised Quinine from the Cinchona tree of South America in 1820. These two were a game changer for both Europeans and Africans by making malaria and other diseases more easily treatable. Ironically, Europeans failed to colonise Africa in earlier attempts precisely because of malaria.

Average life expectancy in Africa in 1900 was around 30 years but in Europe, it had already risen to 40 years. Africans adopted modern medicines. Colonial mass vaccination programmes for under 5 children increased African life expectancy. By independence in the 1960s, many African countries were already at around 50 years. This rise from 30 to 50 years was a nearly 70% increase within a generation! Millions of African kids survived childhood and millions more lived longer better lives.

Then there was education, originally introduced by Missionary Societies to get Africans to read the Bible and learn Western customs and values. The motivations were mixed; the desire to civilise the “savage” Africans, introduce Christian morality, hopes of ending slave practices as European values were adopted, a ploy to create soft power for Europeans, preparation for colonialism, etc. Mission schools provided education for black kids for decades before colonialism, alongside ad hoc educational arrangements for the early white settlers. Then the European colonialists introduced public education. In Northern Rhodesia, the British built well funded public schools for the children of the white settlers and most of the education budget was spent there as educating the natives was not a big priority, not to mention segregation. However, they gave grants to mission schools and they eventually built public schools for blacks with Munali, Livingstone and Chikuni Secondary Schools being among the earliest efforts.

By the 1950s, Northern Rhodesia had more than 1,000 Primary Schools with over 100,000 black kids in them. The numbers for Secondary education were dismal, with just about 10 schools for the entire black population. Higher education was worse with zero institutions. Nevertheless, the education introduced by the missionaries and colonialists was a game changer for Africans to bring them into the modern global economy and increase opportunities for upward financial mobility over generations.

Zambia’s first president Kenneth David Kaunda and much of his first cabinet were educated at Munali Boys Secondary School at colonial government expense. They could never have taken over Zambia in 1964 without that colonial education. Even Zambian independence itself would not have succeeded had there not been a pool of an informed, educated, literate, leadership that could engage with the colonialists at their level and organise resistance to oppressive rule.

The first black members of the Northern Rhodesia Legislative Council – Henry Kasokolo, Nelson Nalumango, Dauti Yamba and Pascale Sokota – could never have taken up their positions in 1948 without being able to read, write, and speak English, courtesy of British education. The first two Speakers of the Zambian Parliament, Wesley Nyirenda and Robinson Nabulyato went through Munali Boys, as did the first Secretary to the Zambian Cabinet, Valentine Musakanya.

Hastings Kamuzu Banda, Malawi’s first president was educated in Edinburgh, Scotland with his monthly stipend paid by the British Nyasaland government. Seretse Khama, Botswana’s first president was educated at Oxford University using funds from what was then the colonial Bechuanaland Protectorate administration.

To be continued…

Michael Chishala is a Zambian analyst with interests in Philosophy, Law, Economics and History.
Email: [email protected]

The opposition’s plea for dialogue plays into HH’s strategy.

By Exhilda Mwansa

When the opposition bloc announced a joint press briefing earlier this week, it ignited curiosity and anticipation across the country. Many imagined that perhaps a major declaration was on the horizon a roadmap to challenge the UPND administration as the 2026 elections draw nearer.

The build-up was intense, especially following a leaked audio that cast doubts over the unity within the opposition ranks. Yet, despite visible tensions, the alliance showed composure and a united front, a feat worth noting.

But when the moment came, the outcome was underwhelming. No strategic punch. No fresh proposals. Just a call almost a plea for dialogue with President Hakainde Hichilema.

On the surface, it looked like a reasonable political move. But scratch deeper, and it revealed more vulnerability than strength. With over a year to go before elections, the opposition’s call for talks with a president known for shunning inclusive engagement came off as poorly timed and miscalculated.

HH, whether deliberately or by default, now holds the upper hand. If he chooses to entertain their call, it will likely be on his terms. He’ll control the agenda, lead the optics, and emerge as the gracious leader open to dialogue even if he gives nothing in return.

Let’s be honest HH had multiple opportunities to call for genuine dialogue in the past. He didn’t. Not during economic hardships. Not during the cyber laws debate. Not when the public and civil society stood in opposition to controversial legislative changes or the deepening power crisis. If dialogue wasn’t meaningful then, what has changed now?

The president’s track record suggests he is more inclined to bulldoze than build consensus. Not even diplomatic pressure from international partners has shifted that stance. So why now should anyone believe that a dialogue table, if set, will be anything more than a trap?

By seeking dialogue now, the opposition might have unintentionally legitimized HH’s posture. Worse still, they may have handed him a public relations advantage he didn’t have to work for. In politics, perception is everything. The image of an opposition alliance “asking” for a meeting can easily be reframed by the ruling party as a sign of capitulation.

Zambians are looking for alternatives. Not a coalition that appears unsure or reactive. The 2021 UPND victory was largely about confidence and clarity of purpose. If the current opposition wishes to replicate that, they must project strength not submit themselves to an orchestrated political chess game.

Ultimately, the opposition may have walked right into a narrative trap one where HH emerges strong and presidential, and they appear fragmented, uncertain, and yes desperate for an audience.

Opposition To Field One Candidate In Lumezi

…as they condemn UPND for undermining democracy over Munir Zulu case

A coalition of opposition leaders and the civil society has accused the UPND government of orchestrating a calculated erosion of Zambia’s democratic values, warning that the recent treatment of Lumezi Member of Parliament Munir Zulu is indicative of a broader strategy to manipulate parliamentary representation and consolidate unchecked power.

Speaking during a joint press briefing on Tuesday, leaders from various opposition parties—including Fred M’membe – SP, Sakwiba Sikota, SC-UKA/ ULP, Ernest Mwansa, SC-ZWW, Given Lubinda-Tonse/ PF, Chishala Kateka-UKA/ NHP and Nkandu Luo-Tonse/ PF —described Hon Zulu’s arrest and subsequent legal troubles as politically motivated.

Bishop Trevor Mwamba-UNIP, Jackson Silavwe-GPZ, Peter Chanda-NCP, Thomas Zulu-Gen Z, Muhabi Lungu-ZWW, and Marian Mwango-SP formed part of the speakers.

They asserted that the ruling party is using state institutions to “steal seats they failed to win in the general election.”
“There is a disturbing trend here,” charged Dr. M’membe. “From Kwacha to Kabushi, to Kawambwa, Pambashe, Petauke which was narrowly rescued and now Lumezi! We are witnessing the abuse of legal and parliamentary procedures to dislodge opposition MPs and tilt the numbers in Parliament.”

At the centre of the latest storm is the handling of Munir Zulu’s seat.
The opposition has taken issue with the Speaker’s directive to the Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ) to begin the process of declaring the Lumezi seat vacant, despite the fact that Hon Zulu has not exhausted the legal channels available to challenge his conviction and sentencing.

“This is a direct assault on due process,” read Dr. M’membe. “No citizen, regardless of political affiliation, should be stripped of their seat without the benefit of a fair hearing. This is not justice; it is expedience masquerading as law.”
The opposition leaders argue that the ruling party’s endgame is to create an artificial majority in Parliament, enabling it to push through constitutional amendments without broad consensus—a move they warn would severely compromise Zambia’s democratic framework.

“If this continues,” warned Dr M’membe, “we will respond decisively. Lumezi will be the line in the sand. We will unite behind a single candidate and ensure the UPND suffers a humiliating defeat there. Let that be the message going into 2026: Zambia will not tolerate authoritarianism.”

The group further reiterated its willingness to engage in national dialogue, but took issue with what they see as President Hakainde Hichilema’s insincerity.

“We have asked for dialogue several times. We are not desperate to meet him, but we will not allow him to later claim we refused,” said Dr. M’membe. “Let him name the place, the time, and we will be there. But he must stop misleading the nation with empty rhetoric. Anasheko ubufi.”

In closing, the leaders called for urgent national introspection.
“Democracy is not just about elections. It’s about fairness, compromise, and justice. What’s happening now undermines all of that. Zambians are suffering. They want solutions, not schemes. If this trend is not arrested, our democracy is in serious peril,” they said.

Linking Zambia’s Climate Change Act, Forest Act, and Carbon Stock Regulations for Effective Carbon Trading

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Carbon trading has emerged as a critical mechanism for mitigating climate change by incentivizing the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions and promoting sustainable land use. In Zambia, a country endowed with vast forest resources, the legal framework governing carbon trading is shaped by several key pieces of legislation, notably the Climate Change Act No. 18 of 2024, the Forest Act No. 4 of 2015, and the Forest (Carbon Stock Management) Regulations, Statutory Instrument No. 66 of 2021. Let us explore the interplay between these laws and their collective role in facilitating carbon trading in Zambia, with a focus on forest-related carbon projects.

The Climate Change Act No. 18 of 2024: A Broader Framework for Carbon Markets
The Climate Change Act No. 18 of 2024 represents Zambia’s first comprehensive legislation dedicated to addressing climate change and regulating carbon markets. Building on the interim guidelines issued in 2022 by the Ministry of Green Economy and Environment, the Act establishes a robust regulatory framework for carbon trading, covering both forest and non-forest carbon projects. It aligns with international agreements, such as the Paris Agreement, and incorporates provisions for corresponding adjustments under Article 6 to ensure the credibility of carbon offsets.

The Act introduces administrative measures for project approval, including the submission of concept notes or expressions of interest (EoI) to the Permanent Secretary at the Ministry of Green Economy. It mandates the use of approved methodologies (e.g., UNFCCC, Gold Standard, or Verra’s Verified Carbon Standard) for calculating emission reductions and requires a measurement, reporting, and verification (MRV) system to ensure transparency and integrity. This broad scope contrasts with earlier regulations, which were more narrowly focused on forest carbon projects, and sets the stage for a unified carbon market in Zambia.

The Forest Act No. 4 of 2015: Foundation for Forest Management
The Forest Act No. 4 of 2015 is a cornerstone of Zambia’s efforts to manage and conserve forest resources while addressing environmental challenges like deforestation and biodiversity loss. The Act provides for the establishment of various forest categories (e.g., National Forests, Local Forests, and community forests) and promotes sustainable forest management through community participation, licensing, and the creation of the Forest Development Fund. It also supports Zambia’s commitments under international agreements, such as the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the Paris Agreement, by emphasizing the role of forests as carbon sinks.

The Act regulates activities such as charcoal burning and timber harvesting, which contribute to deforestation—a significant issue in Zambia, where the country ranks among the highest in Africa for deforestation rates. By requiring permits for forest produce and enforcing sustainable practices, the Act indirectly supports carbon sequestration and the reduction of emissions from deforestation and forest degradation (REDD+). These provisions create a legal foundation for forest-based carbon projects, which are further detailed in subsequent regulations.

Forest (Carbon Stock Management) Regulations, 2021: Specific Guidance for Forest Carbon Projects
The Forest (Carbon Stock Management) Regulations, Statutory Instrument No. 66 of 2021, provide targeted guidance for forest carbon projects, addressing a gap in the Forest Act’s broader framework. These regulations encourage community forest management groups to participate in carbon trading through activities such as reducing deforestation, conserving forests, and sustainably managing forest resources. They outline a specific approval process for forest carbon projects, requiring an EoI to be submitted to the Director of Forestry, which differs from the Climate Change Act’s requirement to submit to the Permanent Secretary.

The regulations focus exclusively on forest-related carbon, limiting their scope compared to the Climate Change Act. They emphasize community benefits, ensuring that local communities, as custodians of natural resources, receive equitable shares of carbon trading revenues. However, inconsistencies between these regulations and the broader guidelines (now formalized in the Climate Change Act) have raised concerns about overlapping approval processes and potential regulatory conflicts.

Interplay and Challenges in Carbon Trading

The relationship between the Climate Change Act No. 18 of 2024, the Forest Act No. 4 of 2015, and the Forest Carbon Stock Management Regulations is both complementary and complex. The Forest Act provides the foundational legal structure for forest management, emphasizing sustainability and conservation, which are critical for carbon sequestration. The Forest Carbon Stock Management Regulations build on this by offering specific mechanisms for forest carbon projects, particularly for community-driven initiatives. The Climate Change Act, meanwhile, integrates these efforts into a broader carbon market framework, extending beyond forests to include other carbon project types and aligning with global standards.

However, challenges arise from inconsistencies in administrative processes. For instance, the differing requirements for submitting project proposals (to the Director of Forestry under the Regulations versus the Permanent Secretary under the Climate Change Act) create uncertainty for project developers. Additionally, the transition from interim guidelines to the Climate Change Act has introduced risks related to changes in law, requiring project developers to ensure flexibility in project agreements to accommodate evolving regulations.

Role in Facilitating Carbon Trading

Together, these laws create a multi-layered framework for carbon trading in Zambia:

Forest Act No. 4 of 2015: By regulating forest use and promoting sustainable practices, it ensures that forests remain viable carbon sinks, supporting REDD+ projects and other forest-based carbon initiatives. Its emphasis on community involvement aligns with the equitable benefit-sharing principles of carbon trading.

Forest Carbon Stock Management Regulations: These provide a clear pathway for forest carbon projects, particularly for communities, by outlining approval processes and encouraging participation in carbon markets. They ensure that forest carbon projects contribute to Zambia’s Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) under the Paris Agreement.

Climate Change Act No. 18 of 2024: This Act unifies and expands the carbon market, providing a comprehensive regulatory framework that ensures credibility, transparency, and alignment with international standards. It addresses gaps in the earlier regulations by covering non-forest carbon projects and introducing robust MRV systems.

The Climate Change Act No. 18 of 2024, the Forest Act No. 4 of 2015, and the Forest (Carbon Stock Management) Regulations collectively form a robust yet evolving framework for carbon trading in Zambia. While the Forest Act and its regulations focus on forest-specific carbon projects, the Climate Change Act broadens the scope to create a cohesive national carbon market. Addressing administrative inconsistencies and ensuring clarity in approval processes will be critical to maximizing the potential of carbon trading in Zambia. By leveraging its rich forest resources and aligning with global climate goals, Zambia is well-positioned to become a leader in carbon markets, delivering both environmental and socio-economic benefits.

Chaliafya katungula

Forestry Advocacy for Conservation, Communities, Communication, Transparency, Accountability and Research – F(A+C+T+A+R)

Health equity and inclusion remain fundamental to end Malaria

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SHOBHA SHUKLA – CNS

Governments have promised to end malaria by 2030. With around five and a half years left to eliminate the vector-borne disease worldwide, it is alarming that progress is off the mark. More worrying is that whatever progress has happened towards ending malaria, can be reversed. Without adequate science-backed and strategic investments and actions, how will countries that have ended malaria, keep the burden below the elimination levels? Climate change worsens the crisis as disease patterns shift.

Equitable access to life-saving malaria tools is key to reversing trends

We cannot divorce equity and inclusion from malaria response. And we cannot dislocate #endMalaria goals from other SDGs for sustainable elimination of the disease worldwide “where no one is left behind.”

“Even if it is hard and difficult, and even if it is not ‘popular’, we need to keep remaining inclusive and equitable in our approaches towards ending malaria. We need to uphold gender equity, social inclusiveness, disability rights and inclusion, because if we focus on health equity and inclusion, it is doing justice to #HealthForAll where no one is truly left behind,” said Professor (Dr) Maxine Whittaker, Dean at James Cook University, Australia and Advisor to CSO Platform (www.MalariaFreeMekong.org). She was speaking with CNS Managing Editor Shobha Shukla at the End Malaria Dialogues at World Health Summit Regional Meeting.

Reinvigorated global efforts warranted to curb rising malaria threat

According to World Health Organization (WHO) Global Malaria Report 2024, there were over 263 million people who suffered because of malaria and over 597,000 who died of it worldwide in 2023. These figures are so disturbing, appalling and unacceptable for a disease which is both preventable and curable.

Not just this: the number of people with malaria disease in 2023 was more than those who had malaria in 2022 (11 million more got malaria in 2023 than those who got in 2022).

Around 95% of malaria deaths occurred in Africa, where many at risk of malaria still lack access to the services they need to prevent, detect and treat the disease.

In Asia and the Pacific region, in terms of number of people with malaria, India has the maximum cases but as a percentage of those with malaria in a population, Papua New Guinea has the highest prevalence.

Malaria-free places must remain malaria-free

As of November last year (2024), 44 countries and 1 territory had been certified malaria-free by WHO, and many more are steadily progressing towards the goal. Of the 83 malaria-endemic countries, 25 countries now report fewer than 10 cases of malaria a year, an increase from 4 countries in 2000.

Since 2015, Africa has also achieved a 16% reduction in its malaria mortality rate. However, the 2023 mortality rate of 52.4 deaths per 100,000 population at risk is still more than double the target level of 23 deaths per 100,000 population set by the Global Technical Strategy for Malaria Elimination 2016-2030, and progress must be accelerated.

Do not take the foot off the #endMalaria accelerator

Places that have eliminated malaria, need to ensure there is no resurgence of malaria. Disease surveillance or prevention for example must go on in a robust and science-backed manner and should be fully funded.

“Once you take the foot off the accelerator, malaria resurgence occurs – that has been well documented. This is what we are very concerned about because all the gains we have made, not just in malaria but in maternal and child health and infant mortality, can wither away. Malaria was one of the major causes of that in some countries that are close to elimination,” says Whittaker.

In December 2024, WHO Global Malaria Report 2024 communique said that “WHO is also calling for investments in robust data systems that are capable of monitoring health inequalities, including through the collection and analysis of data disaggregated by sex, age and other social stratifiers. Equity, gender equality and human rights should be the cornerstones of antimalarial innovation, with people most impacted by the disease engaged in the design and evaluation of new tools and approaches.”

#EndMalaria funding is less than HALF of what is required

Whittaker underlines the importance of fully funding the fight against malaria.

Funding for malaria control globally remains inadequate to reverse current trends, especially in malaria high-burden African countries. In 2023, total funding reached US$ 4 billion, falling far short of the year’s funding target of US$ 8.3 billion set by the Global Technical Strategy. Insufficient funding has led to major gaps in coverage of insecticide-treated nets, medicines, and other life-saving tools, particularly for those most vulnerable to the disease.

Prof Whittaker looks up to domestic philanthropies and corporate social responsibility of the private sector to bridge the funding gap. The funding cuts to WHO have only added to the problem.

Beyond funding, malaria-endemic countries continue to grapple with fragile health systems, weak surveillance, and rising biological threats, such as drug and insecticide resistance. In many areas conflict, violence, natural disasters, climate change and population displacement are exacerbating already pervasive health inequities faced by people at higher risk of malaria, including pregnant women and girls, children aged under 5 years, Indigenous Peoples, migrants, persons with disabilities, and people in remote areas with limited healthcare access.

The proverbial last kilometre

Prof Maxine Whittaker has contributed significantly over the years in helping shape a community-centric response towards ending malaria in Greater Mekong Sub-Region. Along with Thailand, three other countries are close to #endMalaria goal, but the last kilometre can be longer or tougher than one can imagine.

One concern she shares is what she heard from many others at World Health Summit regional meet. Community engagement is either not there or not enough in malaria response with dignity, rights, equity and justice. Some should NOT be more equal than others.

Whittaker believes that “Engaging people and communities helps us find best of ways to meet their needs.” She is hopeful and shares that there are plans to ensure that there is no reestablishment of malaria in Greater Mekong Sub-Region.

Malaria response along the Thailand and Myanmar border is marred by the conflict brewing in Myanmar. Thailand was very close to being able to eliminate malaria, but malaria again got reestablished in some parts, shared Dr Whittaker.

“We need proper decentralisation, along with financial and resource devolution, to ensure that local problems get best of local solutions to end malaria. This requires an educated decentralised management and health workforce. If we look at experiences, we will see that some may think after getting close or achieving malaria elimination that ‘there is no need to worry about’ or ‘there is no malaria problem anymore in backyard’ and slacken not just programmes but also investment. We need to keep investing in #endMalaria programmes as well as be a lot smarter now!” says Whittaker.

Climate change and malaria

WHO reported that the 2022 floods in Pakistan were a massive setback for fight against malaria and a warning for the world of how climate change will impact disease response efforts. Pakistan experienced the worst flooding in its history in 2022. At its height, more than a third of the country was underwater and 33 million people were affected.

“Even before the waters receded, the mosquitoes came en masse, driving the worst malaria outbreak in the country since 1973,” said the WHO report. It had the biggest impacts on the poorest people. When the rains started to subside, there were huge collections of stagnant water everywhere which was a perfect breeding ground for malaria.

As per the WHO, before the floods, there was gradual progress in malaria control in Pakistan. But after the floods this country saw at least a four-fold increase in the reported number of malaria cases.

Professor Maxine said: “With climate change, as places get warmer, parasites may not like that. Which means they may move to higher altitudes or cooler climates. This could be a problem then when they cause diseases and untimely deaths.”

Malaria vaccine: is it helping?

As of December 2024, 17 countries in Africa had introduced malaria vaccines through routine childhood immunisation. The continued scale-up of the vaccines in Africa is expected to save tens of thousands of young lives every year.

Newly developed malaria vaccine may not suit near-elimination settings, says Whittaker. “Malaria vaccine is doing reasonably well as a package of public health interventions to actually reduce morbidity and mortality and also help reduce some of the infant and child malaria cases. It was designed for a particular purpose, whether it is going to be of use in southern or southeast Asian region, or the Pacific, is not certain.”

Professor Whittaker calls for a whole-of-society and whole-of-government approach to end malaria – with equity, inclusion and justice as key cog in the wheel.

Fed getting Trumped!: deVere CEO

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Stagflation is here — and the markets are finally responding. Growth is fizzling out, yet inflation is proving too stubborn for the Federal Reserve to justify action. The result? A cornered central bank, with President Trump and the bond market setting the pace.

This is the stark analysis of Nigel Green, CEO of deVere Group, one of the world’s largest independent financial advisory and asset management organizations.

March’s inflation report might look like progress on the surface. The Fed’s preferred gauge, the PCE index, slowed to a 2.3% annual rise from February’s 2.7%.

But dig deeper, and the picture is far less reassuring. Core inflation, which strips out the volatility of food and energy, held at 2.6%.

Monthly price growth came in flat, not because of disinflationary strength, but largely due to falling energy prices.

“This isn’t progress — it’s paralysis,” says Nigel Green.

“The Fed is boxed in. Price pressures remain elevated, and the economy is clearly showing signs of fatigue. There’s no credible path to rate cuts in this environment.”

Energy costs fell 2.7% in March as global growth concerns dragged oil prices lower. That alone explains the headline softness. But food prices surged 0.5%, the steepest monthly rise in months, highlighting that key areas of consumer strain remain very much intact.

At the same time, consumer spending rebounded by 0.7%, up from just 0.1% in February.

Far from a signal of resilience, this sudden jump is more likely a consequence of front-loaded buying, driven by tariff anxiety and higher short-term costs.

“We’re not seeing organic strength here,” Nigel Green explains.

“Consumers are reacting to rising prices and future uncertainty. This is pressure spending, not a confident boom.”

The Fed is out of time, and out of room to maneuver. For months, markets believed a soft landing could be engineered — inflation brought to heel while keeping the economy intact. That narrative is now unraveling. The data is showing persistent price stickiness and weakening real activity.

At the same time, Trump’s reassertion of control in Washington has altered the Fed’s strategic landscape. With sweeping tariff proposals, aggressive fiscal ambitions, and open discussion of central bank reform, his policies are inflationary by design.

“Trump has flipped the board,” Nigel Green comments.

“His agenda involves heavier government spending and new trade barriers — both of which push inflation higher. The Fed now has to consider not just the economy, but the political shadow being cast across financial markets.”

This is the stagflation environment investors had hoped to avoid — slow growth, elevated inflation, and monetary policy stuck in limbo. Bonds are no longer a safe hedge. Equities face valuation pressure. Currency volatility is climbing. Portfolios built for rate-cut optimism are now exposed.

“Allocations must shift to reflect the new regime,” says the deVere CEO. “That means global exposure, real assets, and selective sectors that can weather persistent inflation and weaker top-line growth. Sitting still isn’t a strategy.”

He concludes: “The Fed isn’t leading. It’s reacting. And right now, the tone is being set from the White House, not the central bank. Monetary authority is no longer the dominant force in markets. Trump is, it would appear.”

Why Colonialism Was Actually Good for Africa – Part 2

Why Colonialism Was Actually Good for Africa – Part 2

By Michael Chishala, 30th April 2025

When Europeans began creating colonies in Africa, slavery had already been abolished in Europe. Great Britain abolished slavery in 1807 within its borders and by 1838, all its colonies. At that point, Britain had one African colony, Sierra Leone, which was used to resettle freed slaves and as a military base for their navy’s war against the Trans-Atlantic slave trade. The capital city of Sierra Leone was officially founded in 1792 by a thousand free former slaves who sailed from Nova Scotia in modern-day Canada. That is why it is called “Freetown”. The voyage was paid for by British abolitionists and philanthropists who also paid for the surveying and town setting up.

European nations and the USA progressively dismantled slavery mostly during the 19th Century. Brazil, which gained independence from Portugal in 1822, was the last nation in the Western hemisphere to abolish slavery in 1888. Curiously, Portugal had abolished slavery within its borders earlier in 1761 but not in its colonies. It was pressure from Britain that made Portugal abolish slavery in its colonies in 1869.

Despite all this progress in Europe and the Americas, slavery persisted in Africa. Tribes such as the Ngoni, Lozi, Bemba, Chikunda, Lunda, Zulu, Ndebele and others were actively capturing and selling slaves. There was a large slave trade operation in Angola managed by the Portuguese who were supplied by the Kongo and Ndongo kingdoms. Angola was the largest single source of slaves in the Trans-Atlantic slave trade at around 35% and the vast majority ended up in Brazil.

A man nicknamed “Tippu Tipp” from Zanzibar was one of the biggest African ivory and slave traders of the late 19th Century. He created a de facto kingdom in modern-day North Eastern Congo and had ten thousand slaves on seven of his own plantations. It is estimated that he traded in around a hundred thousand slaves in his lifetime. He did business with the Belgians who even appointed him as their Governor in what was Stanley Falls District (Kisangani). African tribes were happy trading partners with the Europeans and Arabs in the brutal evil slave trade. David Livingstone encountered the Swahili slave traders in his travels into Zambia and wrote about it.

The infamous King Leopold II (known for the many atrocities he committed on Congolese people) sent soldiers to fight against the slave traders, including Tippu Tip and another called “Rumaliza”. Despite doing business earlier with the slave traders, Leopold flipped on them because he wanted to control the Congolese rubber plantations and eliminate competition for labour. He carried out an effective propaganda campaign in Europe to whitewash his evils. Although many slaves were freed, most were forced into working on rubber plantations with low pay, brutal conditions and violence when quotas were not fulfilled. The Belgian Parliament eventually discovered the truth and annexed Congo from Leopold and improved conditions.

British diplomatic efforts in the 1870s followed by military campaigns led to the slave market at Zanzibar to be closed down in 1897 when the British forced the ruling Arab Sultan to sign a treaty, but it was only in 1909 that slavery was officially made illegal in Zanzibar and Pemba. However, the Swahili slave traders still continued selling slaves in the shadows by making slaves walk on land via Somalia where they boarded smaller dhows (boats) to get to Arabia for sale.

Britain decimated the shipping of African slaves on the seas, but it left the internal African slave trade largely intact. As European powers established new African colonies, they began to transplant their governance and legal systems into Africa. Their laws from back home in Europe prohibited slavery, so the colonial administrators tried with great difficulty to dismantle it. They often got into conflicts with the natives who were still keeping and trading in domestic slaves despite coming under their rule.

In the last decade of the 19th century, the French and British fought with the Benin and Dahomey kingdoms, conquered them and freed all slaves. European colonialism and conquest thus had the positively good consequence of brutal chattel slavery being abolished in the whole of Africa. This is the connection between colonialism and slavery that I alluded to earlier.

Britain, USA and France used strong diplomatic and political pressure on Arab nations like Saudi Arabia, Oman and Yemen and eventually forced them to officially outlaw slavery and close the last open markets for African slaves in the world. Believe it or not, slavery was only officially outlawed in Saudi Arabia and Yemen in 1962, which was just 2 years before Zambian independence, and in Oman it was in 1970! I bet you didn’t know that!!

To be continued… Friday 2nd May 2025

Michael Chishala is a Zambian analyst with interests in Philosophy, Law, Economics and History.
Email: [email protected]

Munir Zulu Awaits Sentencing After Seditious Speech Conviction

Munir Zulu Awaits Sentencing After Seditious Speech Conviction; Case Adjourned for Mitigation

Political activist Munir Zulu will learn his fate this Friday after being convicted today for uttering seditious words in 2023, a charge stemming from his unsubstantiated claim that President Hakainde Hichilema would dissolve Parliament and call early elections.

The Lusaka Magistrates Court adjourned sentencing proceedings to May 3, 2025, to allow Zulu’s lead lawyer to present mitigating arguments. Zulu, who faces potential imprisonment or fines under Zambia’s laws against sedition, remained defiant as he exited the courtroom under the guard of Zambia Correctional Service personnel. “It shall be well,” he told journalists, signing off with his trademark phrase: “I remain MZ.”

The case dates back to September 8, 2023, when Zulu, addressing a crowd of journalists, insisted President Hichilema would announce the dissolution of Parliament during a national address later that year. The prediction proved false, with the President’s subsequent speech focusing on economic reforms, not political restructuring.

Prosecutors argued Zulu’s statement was deliberately provocative, aimed at inciting public unrest amid Zambia’s tense political climate. Magistrate Lillian Mwikisa agreed, ruling today that his remarks met the legal threshold for sedition, defined as speech intended to stir hatred or defiance against lawful authority.

Legal analysts speculate Zulu’s sentencing could set a precedent for free speech debates in Zambia, where sedition laws remain contentious. His defense team is expected to emphasize his role as a government critic and advocate for political transparency during mitigation.

Zulu, a polarizing figure, has long positioned himself as a watchdog against executive overreach. Supporters gathered outside the court, chanting slogans condemning the verdict as an attack on dissent.

The case continues to draw national attention, reflecting broader tensions between state security and civil liberties. All eyes now turn to Friday’s hearing, where arguments over punishment will determine whether Zulu’s steadfast refrain—“I remain MZ”—will echo from freedom or behind bars

Clean Energy Boost: Chisamba Solar Power Plant to Add 100MW to Zambia’s Grid

Chisamba Solar Power Plant Nears Completion, Offering New Energy Hope for Zambia

In the heart of Central Zambia, a major step toward energy independence is nearing completion. The Chisamba Solar Power Plant, a 100-megawatt facility designed to harness the power of the sun, is now 97 percent complete and expected to begin generating electricity by May.

This development comes at a critical time for the country, which is grappling with one of its worst electricity shortages in recent years. ZESCO, Zambia’s national power utility, recently reported a shortfall of up to 750 megawatts, leading to widespread load shedding that has disrupted homes, hospitals, schools, and businesses.

Once fully operational, the Chisamba plant will produce enough electricity to power an estimated 30,000 households. This new supply will help reduce pressure on the national grid and serve as a strategic shift away from the country’s heavy dependence on hydropower, which has become increasingly unreliable due to climate-induced droughts.

Plant Manager Chisa Nyerenda said the project represents far more than steel and panels. “This project is more than infrastructure. It’s a step toward energy security,” he said. “We’re not just switching on power,we’re powering Zambia’s future.”

The plant utilizes bifacial solar panels, a technology that captures light from both sides of the panel, increasing efficiency by 5 to 10 percent compared to conventional models. Unlike popular misconceptions, solar panels generate energy from light, not heat. “As long as there’s visible light, the modules are working,” Nyerenda explained.

A dedicated 132kV substation is nearly complete and will be used to evacuate power directly into the national grid, making the project’s benefits both immediate and scalable.

The government has been vocal in its support of solar as a long-term solution to Zambia’s energy crisis. Ministry of Information spokesperson Henry Kapata emphasized the administration’s commitment to energy diversification.

“The president has been very clear,diversifying our energy mix is no longer optional,” Kapata said. Echoing this, an official from the Ministry of Energy added, “Solar is not only the future; it is the now.” These statements reflect a broader push to make renewable energy not just an alternative, but a central pillar of Zambia’s energy strategy.

Beyond electricity generation, the Chisamba project is creating real opportunities for skills development and economic empowerment. Among the engineering team is Frances Selabuwa, the only female engineer on site, who described the experience as transformative. “To see the inside of a transformer, to understand these systems,it has opened my eyes,” she said.

Officials and experts suggest that the success of the Chisamba plant could mark the beginning of a broader solar boom in Zambia. Additional projects are expected in the coming years, potentially catalyzing a domestic solar equipment industry. This could generate thousands of new jobs in engineering, manufacturing, and infrastructure maintenance, helping the country build both energy and economic resilience.

In just ten months, the dusty fields of Chisamba have been transformed into a hub of innovation, industry, and optimism. With commissioning around the corner, the plant represents not just a solution to today’s power shortages, but a roadmap to a cleaner, more self-reliant future.

As Zambia looks to the horizon, one thing is certain,the sun is no longer just a symbol of hope. It’s becoming the source of it.

Zambia Emerges as a Key Player in Israel–Africa–U.S. Relations

At AJC Global Forum 2025, Zambian President Hakainde Hichilema delivered a powerful message that placed Zambia at the center of a growing trilateral alliance between Africa, Israel, and the United States. With a focus on shared values, innovation, and strategic opportunity, Zambia is signaling its role as a rising frontier in global diplomacy.

Here are five key points to note about the expanding ties between Israel, Zambia, and the United States.

1. Strengthening Zambia–AJC Relations

President Hichilema highlighted Zambia’s strong partnership with American Jewish Committee (AJC), especially through its Africa Institute.

“Over the past few years, we have had opportunities to collaborate on many important matters, especially during our meetings in New York, Washington, to Lusaka and indeed in Jerusalem,” President Hichilema said. “As a country, we appreciate the opportunity to work closely with the AJC Africa Institute in South Africa.”

He also praised the AJC’s support during Zambia’s worst drought in history, underscoring the value of “authentic partnership in times of crisis,” and pointed to high-level engagements across Lusaka, New York, Washington, and Jerusalem, including a key visit by AJC leaders to Zambia’s State House.

Is Zambia the Next Big Frontier in Israel-Africa Relations?

2. Shared Values and Innovation for Growth

President Hichilema lauded Zambia, Israel, and the U.S.’s strong shared commitment to democratic principles and fostering innovation. President Hichilema detailed the importance of cooperation in key areas such as agriculture, infrastructure, and clean energy, noting that Israel’s expertise and U.S. investment would be pivotal in driving Zambia’s growth in these sectors.

3. Key Diplomatic Milestones Ahead

Zambia will host the second AJC Agritech Summit in 2025, further cementing its leadership in sustainable agriculture. Additionally, the planned opening of an Israeli embassy in Lusaka marks a significant step forward in strengthening relations between Israel and Zambia.

“We also look forward to the opening of the Israeli embassy in Lusaka, and hope that AJC representatives will join us for this important milestone,” President Hichilema said.

“Many African countries in general and Zambia in particular put a big emphasis on agriculture as a path to economic growth and job creation,” said AJC Africa Director Wayne Sussman. “AJC is delighted to host its 2025 Agritech Summit in Zambia. Zambia, with other African countries, the U.S., Israel and Abraham Accords partners can find mutually beneficial agricultural solutions to ensure greater food security and development.”

4. Zambia: A Gateway for Investment and Innovation
President Hichilema invited global partners to explore opportunities in Zambia, calling the country “open for investment and innovation.” Zambia, said President Hichilema, is positioning itself as a hub for economic growth and diplomatic engagement in southern Africa.

In particular, President Hichilema highlighted the potential for deepened collaboration with Israel, whose technological expertise in fields like agritech, water management, and renewable energy aligns closely with Zambia’s development goals. As bilateral ties continue to strengthen—marked by the upcoming opening of the Israeli embassy in Lusaka—Zambia is becoming a key entry point for Israeli innovation and investment on the continent.

5. A Resilient Partnership with Global Impact

Zambia and Israel share a long history, with diplomatic relations established in 1964 and restored in 1991. Over decades, cooperation among the sub-Saharan nation, the U.S., and Israel, has expanded into agriculture, technology, and education, with AJC continuing to play a key role in fostering innovation, trust, and shared democratic values across Africa.

Sussman said the durable relationship has only grown stronger in the last four years.

“This relationship can extend in areas such as health, water and the fight against desertification,” Sussman said. “Zambia has some of the greatest natural sites on the continent. There are so many ways the relationship can positively evolve and grow in the coming months and years.”

Source: AJC News

Zambia Hosts DRIF25: Government Unveils Ambitious Digital Transformation Agenda

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The National Science and Technology Council (NSTC) is actively participating in the 12th edition of the Digital Rights and Inclusion Forum (DRIF25), currently underway at the Mulungushi International Conference Centre in Lusaka.

Theme: “Promoting Digital Ubuntu in Approaches to Technology”

This year’s forum brings together innovators, policymakers, civil society actors, and digital experts from across the continent to discuss how to build inclusive, ethical, and human-centered digital ecosystems.

Minister Mutati: “We Must Think Boldly and Creatively”

Officiating at the opening ceremony, Minister of Technology and Science Hon. Felix Mutati challenged participants to develop “African solutions to African problems.”

“Whether addressing digital inclusion, privacy rights, cybersecurity, or access to education and healthcare, we must use our talents, knowledge, and resources to transform lives across the continent,” he said.

Key Announcements:

  • Removal of taxation barriers on digital infrastructure to encourage private investment
  • Upgrade of 600 communication towers to 5G by end of 2025
  • Launch of a Comprehensive Digital Transformation Strategy to drive innovation
  • Collaboration with UN and UNDP to host a mining-sector innovation challenge involving 25,000 participants
  • Use of digital systems in agriculture that helped eliminate over 220,000 incorrect fertilizer distributions in the last farming season

Expanding Access and Opportunity

Minister Mutati emphasized that digital transformation must serve all citizens, ensuring services are accessible, transparent, and economically viable.

He reiterated that government efforts are aimed at positioning Zambia as a digital leader in Africa while improving everyday life through smart policy, innovation, and public-private collaboration.

About DRIF25

DRIF25 runs from April 29–30, 2025, and is one of Africa’s leading platforms for digital policy dialogue. The forum is attended by stakeholders from government, private sector, academia, and international organizations.