By Field Ruwe EdD
Press freedom means giving the media the right to say what they want, when they want and to whom they want. Hakainde Hichilema
August 2021: “I stand before you today, humbled and filled with gratitude, for your trust in me a simple village boy who you have made the seventh president of the Republic of Zambia,” Hakainde Hichilema alias Bally, proclaimed, igniting a wave of excitement among the crowd. As he conveyed his aspirations for a transformative future, a fleeting yet palpable allure, regeneration, and motivation permeated the atmosphere.
To envision Hakainde Hichilema as a “simple village boy” who has built a pastoral way of life around cattle, fills the need for esthetic presentation, and offers a platform for cognizing his characteristics, perceptions, actions, and decision-making, so as to understand how he governs, relates to others, and how he handles his emotional experiences and rationalizes his actions.
In his fourth year, a beleaguered Hichilema finds himself metaphorically perched on a precarious balcony of authority, grappling with the overpowering odor of decaying meat, eggs, and fish emanating from faulty refrigeration systems in residences, butcher shops, and grocery stores. Before him, the traumatized victims of loadshedding struggle to preserve their food; they dry fish and suspend meat on lines in a desperate attempt to salvage what remains of their meals.
Why has Hichilema arrived at this point in his political endeavors? Why is he always feeling the need to be the only one who can solve all of Zambia’s problems?
Hakainde “Bally” Hichilema’s upbringing in a pastoral setting serves as a significant foundation for his later life. Born on June 4, 1962, in Bweengwa, a village inhabited by the Tonga people in Zambia’s Southern Province, Hichilema often reflects on his childhood experiences as a herd boy through posts on his Facebook page. He vividly recounts the adventurous and imaginative lives of herd boys, emphasizing their unwavering commitment to the family livestock, which is a crucial element of their family’s economic status.
The bushes of Bweengwa, a treacherous region of the Savannah, requires significant courage from herders to fend off some of the most lethal snakes, including black mambas, spitting cobras, and puff adders, as well as formidable predators such as lions, leopards, and hyenas. It was in such wastelands Hichilema was compelled to face his fears and manage his anxieties.
Psychological, and sociological findings show that cattle herders possess manly qualities that are invaluable to their families. Bravely is triggered by a sense of responsibility and a desire for family praise or village recognition. It is this that evokes the subconscious need to protect livestock regardless of the consequences.
Cultural psychologists, drawing from anthropological research on African pastoral societies, have established a connection between the psychological foundations of pastoral bravery and the cultural construct of the “hero complex” associated with honor. Psychologist Laura Berman Fortgang describes the hero complex as a feeling of always seeking praise.
For Hichilema as a herder, honor was intrinsically tied to his capacity to protect his livestock. His bravery was often motivated by a profound desire for recognition and praise. This, according to psychologists Yuichi Shoda and Walter Mischel, exhibits a remarkable consistency over time ultimately forming a distinctive behavioral pattern which is reflected even in adult life. For Hichilema, his herd boy upbring helps him to navigate his current adult life experience.
Further studies show that in adulthood, a herder with a hero complex often uses his name or nickname to shape his identity. This phenomenon, referred to as “normative determinism,” is exemplified in Hichilema’s adoption of the nickname “Bally,” which is reinforced by the UPND’s promotional slogan, “Bally Will Fix It.”
The slogan “Bally Will Fix It” induces a cognitive bias that leads Hichilema to overrate his own capabilities. It creates the perception that he is the only person equipped to address the myriad issues facing the nation. This implicit expectation associated with the slogan subconsciously persuades Hichilema to regard his purported “heroic actions” as vital and more significant than the valuable input that scholars and other competent Zambians can provide.
It is with the foregoing in mind that Hichilema, influenced by normative determinism shaped by underlying self-interest, charted a course for his own self-acclaim. As president, his ulterior efforts have been predominantly directed towards creating a singular legacy that he hopes will endure past 2026. In his effort to consolidate power, Hichilema has intentionally surrounded himself with political sycophants and loyal supporters from his ethnic group, rather than engage with seasoned intellectuals, experts, and professionals.
In his ongoing pursuit of affirmation and authority, manifested through apparent acts of heroism, Hichilema has skillfully created a void within his cabinet, transforming his ministers into superfluous civil servants resembling mannequins in a display window. Currently, he has assumed the role of self-designated minister for several key ministries, including mining, commerce, foreign affairs, and health.
Further, Hichilema has solidified his self-image as a heroic figure over the past three years by designating himself the title of Chief Marketing Officer. This assumption has facilitated numerous overseas “working” expeditions purportedly aimed at “strengthening bilateral relations” with industrious nations.
Accompanied by muted confidants, these abrupt tours of overseas industries that amount to more than 80 international trips at taxpayers’ expense are intended to convey the impression that Bally is a hard worker and a state builder. Conversely, the excursions end up exacerbating trade imbalances that disproportionately benefit the host nations.
It is clear that afflicted with the hero complex, Hichilema has taken on too much responsibility and is experiencing a significant amount of failure. Proof is in the pudding. According to the 2024 Afrobarometer survey conducted in Zambia, approximately 73% of the 1,200 adult respondents interviewed between July 8 and July 28, 2024, perceive the nation’s economic status as either “fairly bad” or “very bad.”
Furthermore, two-thirds (66%) of participants express similar sentiments regarding their personal living conditions. Also, the Zambian populace expressed dissatisfaction with the management of load shedding and the overall trajectory of the country. Overall, the findings suggest that a majority of Zambians feel their living standards have deteriorated in comparison to those in 2020.
The humble village boy, who commenced his tenure as the powerful custodian of the collective herd, has significantly fallen short of meeting his political promises. Despite achieving a measure of advancement, his efforts to create a new nation have predominantly been unproductive.
The shortcomings of the past three years are stark—persistent and catastrophic power shortages, a financially incapacitated state in which its assets are sold to foreign investors, a subpar education system that generates subpar degrees, widespread poverty that leaves many in despair, and a democracy that continues to deteriorate.
Zambian scholars and professionals consulted attribute Hichilema’s inadequate performance to a pronounced aspiration to be viewed as the sole savior of Zambia. They argue that his tendency to take on too many responsibilities has resulted in overextension. With fewer than two years left before the presidential election, Hichilema is deficient in both the energy and the time required to institutionalize or bureaucratize the process of innovative thinking. While he may argue that he is still in the process of laying the foundation, the urgency of time has outpaced his claims of success. Consequently, past failures are accumulating, and future expectations are steadily diminishing.
Can Hichilema still clinch a second term? Yes and no. There is a 60% chance that he might because we live in a mediocre society in which mediocrity is a norm. Our collective understanding of critical issues and the organizational frameworks that influence a nation’s development are notably lacking. The citizenry appears to struggle with self-motivation, having been conditioned to accept mediocrity, regardless of educational achievements or innate abilities. Hichilema’s initiatives, such as the elimination of school fees, the acquisition of a substantial IMF bailout, and the implementation of reduced taxes, have led many to see him as a superhero.
The 40% of him being voted out necessitates a transformative leader akin to “John F. Kennedy,” capable of motivating a whole country to consider their contributions to the nation rather than solely contemplating what the nation can provide for them. Currently, the opposition remains primarily influenced by the same long-standing politicians, who consistently underperform in elections.
Here is why it will be difficult to beat or remove Hichilema. Writing in the “Harvard Law Today,” Erin Peterson notes that when a president [with a hero complex] experiences failure he resorts to unwritten rules he thinks will consolidate his powers incrementally. In Hichilema’s case, his initial strategy has involved appointing individuals from his ethnic group to pivotal positions within the military, police, and judicial sectors. Additionally, he seeks to fragment opposition strength, dominate the media landscape, imprison those who voice dissent, and modify the constitution to align with his interests. To illustrate, I leave you with his own words.
“The country has failed to reach consensus on this very important national document [the constitution] over many years. As a country, therefore, we still need to reform our constitutional order. This government is committed to facilitate a least cost, efficient, and credible process [of constitutional reform] to address lacunae, omissions, or oversights in our constitution. After all, some lacunae can lead us to a situation where we could have no general election for eight years. That is not a joke. Yes, we could have no elections for eight or nine years.”
There, you have it. If he takes this route remove him by force.
Dr. Field Ruwe is affiliated with Northeastern University, Boston, Massachusetts, USA.
© ZAMBIA DEVELOPMENT INSTITUTE (USA) March 2025.
