Advertisement Banner
Friday, August 15, 2025
Advertisement Banner
Home Blog Page 86

Political Independence Should Be Accompanied By Economic Independence

17

A Lundazi resident has observed that political independence should be accompanied by economic independence for it to be meaningful to an ordinary Zambian.

Dawood Mbeba said without economic freedom, the purpose of political independence is defeated.

Speaking to the Zambia News and Information Services Mr Mbeba noted that as much as political independence was appreciated, most Zambians had been struggling to free themselves from economic shackles.

Mr Mbeba said the president was alive to the fact that subsidising means of production was the only way to grow the economy as it encouraged many people to go into production.

He said this translates to reduced exchange rate and reduced cost of goods and services, thereby reducing the cost of living and improving the quality of life for all Zambians.

Mr Mbeba has appealed to Zambians to give President Hichilema a chance to execute his economic reforms, further appealing to all to contribute to the economic growth of the country as opposed to being on the receiving end.

Meanwhile President Hakainde Hichilema announced that Zambia is set to hand over the Chairmanship of the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) to the Republic of Burundi. This transition will take place at the upcoming COMESA Conference, scheduled to be held in Bujumbura.

The announcement followed a courtesy visit to State House by Her Excellency Ms. Evelyne Butoyi, the Ambassador of Burundi to Zambia. Discussions between President Hichilema and Ambassador Butoyi focused on preparations for the conference and the continued strengthening of bilateral relations between the two nations.

During the meeting, President Hichilema confirmed that Zambia is in the process of officially recognizing Burundi as its ninth neighbor, given their shared maritime border on Lake Tanganyika. This move is expected to unlock new trade and investment opportunities between the two countries, enhancing regional cooperation through COMESA initiatives.

The President highlighted the importance of fostering regional unity and economic collaboration to boost prosperity for both nations.

“Together, we aim to explore the vast potential in trade and investment opportunities between Zambia and Burundi, driven by our shared regional goals within COMESA,” President Hichilema stated.

The COMESA Conference marks a significant step in regional cooperation, with the handover signaling continued commitment to economic integration and partnership among member states.

Compromised by politics? How the body that disciplines judges in Zambia has gone rogue

By Sishuwa Sishuwa

I was earlier alerted to the online availability of the report of the Judicial Complaints Commission (JCC) that recommended the recent firing of three judges of Zambia’s Constitutional Court. Whoever made the report available has made a commendable decision as the case has wide public interest. To download and read the report, click here.

I have also seen and read the complaint from Moses Kalonde that paved the way for the JCC to recommend the suspension and eventual removal of the three judges. To download and read the complaint, click here.

I am grateful to whoever uploaded these documents online. Their decision is an act of courage, one that I suppose they made in public interest. I encourage everyone interested in issues of national interest to read these documents and make up their own mind. I have now read both the complaint from Kalonde and the report of the JCC.

It is the report of the JCC that I find particularly troubling. A careful reading of its conclusions shows that the JCC – itself a creation of the Constitution of Zambia – has elevated itself far above the Constitution and any other constitutional body such as the Constitutional Court, the Judicial Service Commission, and the National Assembly. Let me illustrate this point with a few direct quotations from the report that reinforce my argument that the JCC has gone rogue, acted outside the confines of the law, and committed illegalities of grave proportion.

Before I proceed to do so, I should pause to cite two provisions of Zambia’s constitution that the JCC relied upon to recommend the removal of the three judges from office. One is Article 141 (1) (b) which provides for the qualifications of Constitutional Court judges: “A person qualifies for appointment as a judge if that person is of proven integrity and has been a legal practitioner, in the case of the Constitutional Court, for at least fifteen years and has specialised training or experience in human rights or constitutional law.”

Another is Article 143 (b) that provides for the grounds on which a judge may be removed from office: “A judge shall be removed from office on the following grounds:

(a) a mental or physical disability that makes the judge incapable of performing judicial functions;

(b) incompetence;

(c) gross misconduct;

or (d) bankruptcy.”

In making its case for removing the three judges on the ground of alleged incompetence, the JCC stated that the three judges did not qualify to be appointed to the office of judge because they lacked specialised training or experience in human rights or constitutional law, and that their nominations were opposed by the Law Association of Zambia (LAZ) for the same reason:

LAZ [Law Association of Zambia] did not support the appointment of the Respondents [Mugeni Mulenga, Anne Mwewa, and Palan Mulenga] and rightly so. Clearly, none of the three Respondents qualified for appointment to the office of Constitutional Court judge and as such are incompetent to hold office or even exercise the functions thereof.

The conclusion of the Commission therefore is that the three Respondents do not meet the minimum threshold to sit as Judges of the Constitutional Court and are therefore incompetent to preside over any matters filed in that Court. The three Respondents’ incompetence in terms of lack of requisite training and experience brings them under the ambit of Article 143 (b) of the Constitution.

The Commission therefore finds that all three Respondents are not qualified to be Constitutional Court judges as per threshold set out in the Constitution and Isaac Mwanza case cited above. The Commission holds that the Respondents are incompetent to be judges of a specialised court like the Constitutional Court and as such should be removed from office.”

There are several questions that arise from this.

First, where did the JCC – an administrative body set up by the constitution to receive complaints lodged against a judge or judicial officer, hear such complaint, and make recommendations to the appropriate institution or authority for action – get the authority to venture into the area of the appointment of judges? According to Zambia’s constitution, there are three institutions that have been mandated to deal with the appointment of judges. The first is the Judicial Service Commission (JSC), which itself is constituted by the President.

The JSC initiates the process of appointment by identifying and recommending the names of individuals to serve as possible judges to the President of Zambia. The second is the executive. After the president receives the recommendations from the JSC, and if he or she is satisfied with the said recommendations, they (the president) submit the names of the nominees to the third institution, the National Assembly.

The National Assembly, usually after receiving advisory but non-binding submissions from other institutions such as professional bodies and civil society, scrutinises the nominees and recommends the approved ones for confirmation of appointment to the president. Once this process is complete, the nominee becomes a judge. This process played out in 2016 when the three were appointed as judges, and all the three mentioned institutions confirmed that the trio was qualified to be appointed as judges to the Constitutional Court. Even the JCC at the time supported the appointments during the confirmation hearings.

More importantly, there is no provision under the existing law that empowers the JCC to review the decisions of the three institutions that have been mandated to appoint judges. By reviewing the appointment of the three judges and concluding that they were not qualified to serve on the Constitutional Court, the JCC exercised powers not given to it by law and elevated itself far above the JSC, the executive, the National Assembly, and ultimately the constitution of Zambia itself. This is an act of grave and extreme lawlessness since the authority to appoint a judge is vested in the JSC, the president and the National Assembly. If a person alleges non-compliance with the appointment of a judge once the process has been completed, they can challenge the institution (s) that appointed them, but not the individual judge.

Second, where did the JCC get the authority to interpret the Constitution of Zambia or pronounce itself authoritatively and with such finality on constitutional matters? Article 1 (5), which provides for the supremacy of the constitution, states that “A matter relating to this Constitution shall be heard by the Constitutional Court.” More specifically, Article 128 of the constitution states that (1) “Subject to Article 28 [which deals with the Bill of Rights and vests the power to interpret this section in the High Court], the Constitutional Court has original and final jurisdiction to hear a matter relating to the interpretation of this Constitution”. It also provides that any person aggrieved with any act, decision or measure taken under law has the right to petition the Court for redress.

If the JCC felt that the appointment of the three judges contravened the Constitution, or that they needed guidance on the meaning of the word ‘incompetence’, they should have stopped proceedings before them and sought clarification from the Constitutional Court. Alternatively, the JCC could have declined hearing the complaint on the ground that they do not have the jurisdiction to consider it and advised the complainant to refer the matter to the Constitutional Court – the same way the JCC through its chairperson Vincent Malambo did when former president Edgar Lungu asked the body to discipline three other judges of the same court for alleged breach of the Judicial Code of Conduct. By proceeding to interpret specific provisions of the constitution, the JCC not only demonstrated double standards over related issues but also assigned to itself powers not given to it by law, usurped the authority of the Constitutional Court, and engaged in grave lawlessness.

Third, if the JCC is to be believed that the appointment process that resulted in the confirmation of the three dismissed judges was faulty, why should Zambians believe that the judges now being appointed by the same institutions – the JSC, the President, and the National Assembly – are any better since nothing has changed in relation to both the relevant laws and the process of how judges in Zambia are appointed?

To put it more clearly, members of the current Judicial Service Commission were appointed by President Hakainde Hichilema, whose party has a majority in the National Assembly. Why should anyone believe that the four judges that the JSC recommended to Hichilema for appointment to the Constitutional Court last year and whose nomination was ratified by parliament through a simple majority are themselves qualified or competent? In fact, some of these new judges recommended by the JSC, appointed by Hichilema, and ratified by parliament – such as Arnold Shilimi – not only lack specialised training in human rights and constitutional law but also had their nomination opposed by LAZ. To download and read LAZ’s opposition to Shilimi’s appointment, click here.

Yet Shilimi is not only a serving judge; he was promoted by Hichilema to the position of deputy president of the court – a very important post that determines case allocation and the composition of panels that hear cases on the court. And if the lack of specialised training or experience in constitutional or human rights law disqualifies a person from appointment as a judge of the Constitutional Court, then where does this leave judges like Martin Musaluke and Mweetwa Shilimi who both lack specialised training or experience in these fields? Musaluke admitted this drawback during his parliamentary confirmation hearing in 2016 by claiming that he did not appoint himself to the role while Shilimi recognised this deficiency as so significant that he enrolled for a course on constitutional and administrative law at University of Lusaka AFTER his appointment as a Constitutional Court judge in order to address it?

Fourth, if the JCC is to be believed that the three judges have been removed from office for their incompetence, then what happens to all the cases they have handled and decided since 2016? Also, is incompetence proved by lack of formal qualifications or one’s incapacity to do something? If the judges are as incompetent as the JCC would want us to believe, then why is the JCC citing as a credible authority a judgement that was passed by the same individuals whom they say are incompetent? What does all this say about the JCC itself?

All this raises one fundamental question: how are individuals appointed by the President to serve as commissioners on the JCC and JSC identified or selected? What qualifications do Prisca Nyambe, Kephas Katongo and Eva Jhala hold that make them suitable commissioners to serve on the JCC? In some cases, during the hearing, these commissioners easily dismissed the evidence provided by the dismissed judges as “all lies” and believed what their former colleagues who testified against them – Margaret Munalula and Hildah Chibomba – said as the truth. How did the JCC know that it was the retired Chibomba who was not lying? If the JCC can allege without proof that the three dismissed judges sourced private actors to write their ruling in 2016, where is the evidence that the JCC’s own ruling or report was not privately sourced?

In another strange conclusion that shows how broken the system is, the three commissioners who sat to hear and determine the case stated in the report that the chairperson of the JCC, Vincent Malambo, engaged in unethical conduct. Now, the role of the JCC is to assess the ethical behaviour of judges. If the chairperson of the very body that has been tasked with enforcing the ethical behaviour of judges is accused of unethical conduct, does he still qualify to continue serving in his role?

But wait. At what point was Malambo heard since this case was about the three judges, not him? How did the three commissioners reach the conclusion that their chairperson is guilty of unethical conduct without affording him the opportunity or right to be heard? Doesn’t this demonstrate a degree of incompetence or unethical conduct on the part of the three commissioners? And if the members of the JCC are themselves incompetent or engaged in unethical behaviour, then where does this leave the JCC?

First Quantum in talks with potential partners for Zambian assets

26

First Quantum Minerals is in talks with potential partners for its Zambian assets, the Canadian miner said on Wednesday, without disclosing names of the firms.

Last week, Reuters reported that Saudi Arabia’s Manara Minerals is closing in on a deal to buy a minority stake in First Quantum’s Zambian copper and nickel assets, citing three people familiar with the details.

“We’re more open to partnerships, and that includes in Zambia, but only if it’s in the interest of our Zambian business, the Zambian government and all the stakeholders involved,” First Quantum CEO Tristan Pascall said on a conference call with analysts.

Shares of the company were up 3% at C$18.93 in morning trading.

The potential Manara Minerals deal, which could be worth between $1.5 billion and $2 billion, is in the spotlight as copper is a much sought-after element for the clean energy transition due to its uses in manufacturing electric cars and supplying power to data centers for artificial intelligence.

For First Quantum, a stake sale in the Zambian mine would help reduce debt that has ballooned after its flagship Cobre Panama mine was ordered shut last December by the Panama government due to public protests. The company is waiting for a decision on the mine’s future and also for approval from Panama’s new government to ship 121,000 metric tons of copper concentrate that is stuck inside the mine.

Approval to sell that copper would provide working capital to maintain the mine.

The Canadian miner is spending between $11 million and $13 million per month to maintain the mine. Pascall warned that in a few months the company would have to cut costs, including reducing the workforce.

Tanzania building grid interconnector with Zambia to help mitigate power crisis

6

Tanzania is building a grid interconnector with Zambia to help assist in mitigating a drought-driven power crisis, Tanzania’s deputy prime minister said at the Singapore International Energy Week conference this week.

“We have some interconnectors with our neighbours, Rwanda, Burundi, Kenya and now we are pulling up an interconnector with Zambia, which will help us to assist our neighbour in Zambia who is facing a deadly drought,” said Doto Biteko, who is also the energy minister.

“Tanzania being a member of the Eastern African Power Pool … we have a bigger market where whenever we have access to electricity, we can sell to our neighbouring countries.”

The development of the grid interconnector will take 36 months, with work having begun last month, he added on the sidelines of the conference.

Kenya, Tanzania and Zambia said in 2014 that they will spend $1.4 billion to link their power grids by 2018 and create a regional power pool for trading electricity.

On the $42 billion development of Tanzania LNG, a liquefied natural gas export plant, Biteko said the government is in negotiations with the project’s partners and operators to finalise the host government agreement, but did not give a timeline for when negotiations will be completed.

Tanzania LNG was delayed by proposed government changes to a financial agreement reached last year.

A government spokesperson said the proposed amendment to the Host Government Agreement intends to ensure that both sides benefit fairly in the whole deal.

Equinor and Shell are joint operators while Exxon Mobil, Pavilion Energy, Medco Energi and Tanzania’s national oil company TPDC are partners.

Springboks Captain Siya Kolisi and Wife Rachel Announce Divorce After Seven Years of Marriage

Springbok rugby captain Siya Kolisi and his wife, Rachel, have announced their decision to part ways after seven years of marriage. In a joint statement released Tuesday on social media, the couple confirmed they have begun divorce proceedings, emphasizing that the decision was made with love, respect, and mutual understanding.

“This decision comes from a place of love, respect, and understanding that this is the best path forward for both of us,” read the statement. “While our relationship as a couple is changing, we remain great friends and committed partners in raising our children with the same love and care they’ve always known. We will also continue working together on the Foundation that means so much to us.”

Siya and Rachel, who married in a beautiful ceremony in Franschhoek in August 2016, first met in 2012 at a dinner party following a rugby match at Newlands. They share two biological children, Nicholas Siyamthanda, born in 2015, and Keziah, born in 2017. In 2014, the couple adopted Siya’s younger half-siblings, Liyema and Liphelo, following the passing of his mother.

The couple’s relationship has been a public journey, marked by challenges and achievements. Rachel, who left her career as an event manager and marketing executive to support the family, played a pivotal role in leading the Kolisi Foundation, a philanthropic endeavor they built together.

Siya Kolisi, 33, has had a storied rugby career, representing South Africa in 89 Test matches and leading the Springboks to back-to-back Rugby World Cup victories in 2019 and 2023. During their marriage, Rachel supported Siya through difficult personal times, including helping him build a family when he was struggling emotionally.

In previous interviews, Siya spoke candidly about Rachel’s unwavering support: “She stayed with me when I was not in a good place. She took in two kids who couldn’t speak a word of English and helped me create a family.”

The couple’s statement did not reveal specific reasons for their split but expressed gratitude for the public’s love and support. They requested privacy as they navigate this personal transition.

“As we move forward, we ask for your respect and understanding,” the statement concluded.

Despite the end of their marriage, Siya and Rachel emphasized that they remain committed to co-parenting their children and continuing their joint work through the Kolisi Foundation, reflecting their shared values of family and service.

Zambia Sugar Celebrates 60th Anniversary with Presidential Visit

18

President Hakainde Hichilema today graced the 60th anniversary celebration of Zambia Sugar PLC, commending the company for reaching this significant milestone. As one of Africa’s leading sugar producers, Zambia Sugar has become a beacon of investment, growth, and job creation, contributing to the country’s economy and impacting global markets.

Speaking at the event, President Hichilema highlighted the parallel between Zambia Sugar’s achievements and the nation’s 60th Independence Anniversary, positioning the company as a success story to emulate across other sectors. He emphasized the importance of the company’s outgrower scheme, which has empowered numerous smallholder farmers around Mazabuka, and encouraged the continued expansion of the program to benefit even more farmers.

In light of the country’s ongoing energy challenges, worsened by drought conditions, the President praised Zambia Sugar for its innovative approach to energy production. The company currently generates 40 megawatts of electricity and is working to increase capacity by an additional 60 megawatts, which would bring their total production to 100 megawatts—enough to contribute surplus energy to the national grid via ZESCO.

President Hichilema also challenged the company to explore new methods of processing molasses from its liquid state into pellets, making it more accessible to livestock farmers. He further urged Zambia Sugar to prioritize local employment and contract opportunities to promote skills transfer, aligning with the government’s broader call for investors to foster local empowerment.

The President’s engagement at the event underscores the importance of sustainable business practices and inclusive economic development, as Zambia continues to position itself as an attractive destination for investment.

A lot of things have happened the last 60 years …positives, negatives

21

By Dr Vernon J. Mwaanga, GOEZ

It is hard to believe that has Zambia turned 60 years.
I still have vivid recollections of midnight on October 23, 1964 at the then Independence Stadium, as the Union Jack came down and the Zambian Flag was hoisted, tears ran down from my eyes.
It was the end of the struggle for independence from Britain.
It was a long journey of self sacrifice and commitment.
I pay tribute to all those who sacrificed their lives for Zambia to be free. Generous tribute goes to the people of Zambia, men,women and youth, for the unrelenting and uncompromising support they gave to the freedom struggle.
A lot of things have happened in the last 60 years, most of them positive, others less so.
The population has grown from under three million in 1964 to over 20 million in 2024.
We were at multi-party state from 1964 to 1973, a one party state from 1973 to 1991, when we reverted to multi-partyism.
We now have our seventh President, elected by the people of Zambia through peaceful democratic elections.
We have witnessed a peaceful handover of power from UNIP to MMD in 1991, from MMD to PF in 2011 and from PF to UPND in 2021.
This peaceful transfer of power, is the envy of many countries.
The national motto “One Zambia, One Nation”, has kept our country peaceful. Every country has got challenges and Zambia is no exception.
We have had challenges of nation building, and maturing our politics, which have become toxic.
There is an unfortunate tendency for some politicians to treat each other as enemies, which is not right.
We have seen and heard about horrifying cases of corruption, by people holding public offices.
Democratic rule is being interpreted by some as meaning unlimited freedom to say and do anything.
Yes in a democratic environment, the views of the minority must always be heard.
But the views and wishes of the majority must always have their way.0
Great nations and great people always get together in times of hardship, like the severe drought we are experiencing as a result of El Nino, which is part of climate change and come up with viable solutions, regardless of political party affiliation.
Going forward, it is my prayer and fervent hope that our politics will mature, for the sake of mother Zambia.
I wish you all my fellow citizens,a happy 60th birthday.
The author is a freedom fighter.

Isoka Subordinate Court Convict Assistant Social Welfare Officer

4

The Isoka Subordinate Court has convicted an Assistant Social Welfare Officer for fraudulently diverting for personal use K170,000 meant for social welfare beneficiaries.

The Presiding Magistrate, Bwali, has sentenced Jonathan Maruzah from Mufulira to two years Imprisonment with hard Labour on each of the nine (9) counts of fraudulent or unlawful diversion of public Property.
This is contrary to Section 34(1)(b), as read with Section 41, of the Anti-Corruption Act No. 3 of 2012.
The sentences will run concurrently from 17th October 2024 and the court has also entered statutory judgment in the amount of K180,050.00 to be forfeited to the State.

Maruza was arrested by the Anti-Corruption Commission in 2020 on Eleven (11) counts of fraudulent or unlawful diverting of public property for purposes other than what it was intended for contrary to section 34(1)(b) as read with section 41 of the Anti-Corruption Act no. 3 of 2012.

Details of the offences in the 11 counts are that, between 1st January 2016 and 30th January 2017 in Mafinga, Maruzah being a public officer namely Assistant Social Welfare Officer at Mafinga District Social Welfare office did fraudulently or unlawfully divert a total amount of K223,670 for his benefit.

The money was meant for social welfare beneficiaries and administration of Mafinga Social Welfare Department, a public body.
Maruza was however acquitted on counts seven and eleven.

This conviction underscores the Anti-Corruption Commission’s commitment to ensuring that public officials are held accountable for any abuse of public funds.

IBA Cautions Broadcasting Stations Against The Use Of Unverified Content

The Independent Broadcasting Authority (IBA) wishes to caution broadcasting stations against the use of unverified information and footage.

Stations must exercise due diligence of fact-checking and verification to ensure their programming reflects accurate and credible information. This responsibility is inescapable as misinformation can threaten public peace, security, welfare or good order.

Further, the Authority has noted an apology issued by Kenmark Broadcasting Network Television (KBN TV) regarding video footage from an old event of a purported attack on the 6th Republican President, Mr. Edgar Chagwa Lungu which was used to connect to an occurrence at the funeral of Hon. Chishimba Kambwili’s brothers on 20th October, 2024 in Chingola.
The IBA wishes to remind radio and television stations to adhere to the highest standards of journalistic professionalism, as outlined in Section 24 (1) (e) of the IBA (Amendment) Act No. 26 of 2010.

The Authority remains committed to holding licensees accountable and will not hesitate to take necessary action against stations that fail to uphold their ethical obligations in their programming.

Susen Ndumingu
ACTING DIRECTOR GENERAL
INDEPENDENT BROADCASTING AUTHORITY (IBA)

Zambian Youth Calls for Urgent Action at Global Biodiversity Conference in Yokohama, Japan

1

In the wake of the climate crisis, which has plunged many countries into multifaceted economic and social challenges, young people play a huge role in devising strategies that are locally inspired and sustainable.

Tiza Zyambo, a passionate 28-year-old Zambian youth biodiversity conservation leader, is a young Zambian who is taking the lead in exploring ways of securing the integrity of Zambia’s biodiversity.

Tiza, a founding member of the Zambia Youth Biodiversity Network, delivered a stirring address at the just-ended International Youth Conference on Biodiversity (IYCB), where she was selected as one of only 100 youth leaders from a pool of 9,000 global applicants.

At the closing conference, which was held in Japan, Tiza was invited to address a distinguished audience that included the Mayor of Yokohama and representatives from the Japan Ministry of Environment and the United Nations CBD Secretariat. She highlighted the pressing need for united action to tackle the biodiversity crisis.

Tiza shed light on the serious threats facing Zambia’s ecosystems, including encroachment, poaching, illegal wildlife trade, human-elephant conflict, and rampant deforestation.

“Zambia loses approximately 276,000 hectares of forest each year, jeopardizing both environmental stability and the livelihoods of rural communities. The ongoing drought crisis has also resulted in a staggering drop in maize production this year, further threatening food security,” she noted.

Tiza emphasized the importance of understanding Biodiversity Values, advocating sustainable practices, and integrating of indigenous knowledge into conservation strategies. She pointed out that the consequences of biodiversity loss are far-reaching and deeply felt by communities that depend on these ecosystems.

The Zambian conservationist urged the adoption of systems thinking, stressing that the complex web of interdependencies in the country’s ecosystems requires a holistic approach to problem-solving.

“Let us leave this conference not just with memories, but with a renewed commitment towards accelerating action on the Kunming-Montreal Biodiversity Framework and our National Biodiversity Strategic Action Plans, safeguarding our planet for future generations,” she urged.

The conference aims to highlight the role of young people as agents of change for the benefit of biodiversity.

By Arnold Chasaya
Communication for Development Consultant,
Graphic Designer & Documentary Filmmaker

Zambia’s 60th Independence Anniversary Message

10

I was 10 years old when I attended the Tamanda Dutch Reformed Mission Boys’ Boarding School in the remote district of Chipata right on the border with the Southern African country of Malawi on 24th October 1964. This was 58 years ago from 1964 to 1966 when I did my Standard 3 (now Grade 5) to Grade 7. Mr. Elisa Phiri was a short Headmaster who had red fierce eyes, also my great English teacher.

This was two years after the then British Northern Rhodesia colony gained independence to become the newly independent African country of Zambia. Up to this day, I don’t know what made him do it at that moment. Mr. Phiri digressed from teaching English, and asked the class what we wanted to be when we grew up. The class of 40 students looked at each other blankly in stunned silence. What could village kids in rural African village schools dream about beyond Grade 7 at the time? Then Mr. Phiri gave us his talk.

“What’s the matter with you!” he raised his voice as he slowly swept his gaze at all forty of us in the class. Then he said almost whispering: “You are young. The future for all of you is wide open. Our country of Zambia has just obtained its independence from British colonialism. We will need doctors to cure disease, pilots to fly planes, locomotive drivers to run trains, bankers, teachers, surveyors, nurses, police officers, architects to design homes, engineers. Any of you could even go to college at the new University of Zambia that is being built, get one or two degrees and become Lecturers or professors at university. You need to know not just about our school, our chief, your village, or our new country of Zambia, but about the world. Our country of Zambia, future and the world are waiting for you so long as you work hard in school.”

I beamed and looked around my classmates. That was it! That was the most inspiring message I had ever heard. It instantly ignited my imagination for a kid who had only known about herding goats in the village at Chipewa at that point. The seed was planted. I went on to excel through many very competitive exams to qualify to go to the prestigious Chizongwe Secondary or High School, then to our only national University of Zambia at the time and later went to do my Masters and Ph. D. at Michigan State University in the United States. Sixty years later after Zambia’s independence, I am now a retired Emeritus Professor of Sociology. I am so grateful that the people of Zambia paid for all my education and the education of millions of Zambians over the last 60 years.

What has happened in Zambia during the last 60 years of independence? What were some of my most memorable personal experiences both witnessing and being part of the dramatic social changes that happened in the last 60 years? What do I consider some of the major landmark achievements of my country of Zambia? This article has a quick summary of my personal experiences. This is a disclaimer that this is not a list of a detailed description of what every Zambian let alone non-Zambians and experts would think are the most important achievements of my beloved country of Zambia. That would probably require a book.

First, I will describe where I was at 10 years old and the mood of the country on 24th October 1964. Second, how many Zambians are over 65 years old today and why is this important. Third, I will quickly mention some of the major economic, political, and social changes just after independence and 60 years later in Zambia. Fourth, what will Zambia be like in the next 60 years?

October 24 1964.

On this day, I was at Tamanda boys Dutch Reformed Boarding school in what used to be called Standard 3 during the British colonial era. We were a total of 300 boys who woke up that day very excited because the long-anticipated day of independence from British Northern Rhodesia to the new independent Zambia had arrived. We did not have classes that day.

Out teachers sent us to the bush to get leaves that we tied around our waists. The teachers made 4 dancing stations on the small field next to our classrooms. The stations were assigned dances. One was Nyau, second was chitelele women’s dance, third was ngoma Ngoni war dance, fourth was chimtali women’s dance. After dancing for about 20 minutes, students would switch to a different dance station to dance the different dance. In the afternoon we played interdormitory pick up of cifwayo or pick up soccer or football. We had no special foods to eat to celebrate.

Challenges of Development of Independent Zambia

Zambia was facing many major problems at independence especially great expectations for development; education, transportation, health, natural resources, agriculture, employment, mining sector, housing, democracy, self-governance, freedom, challenges of tribalism and the country’s political unity, independence for neighboring countries which were still under white or European colonial rule such as Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe), Mozambique, Angola, South Africa. Some of the internal problems of Zambia are reflected in these sentences that I wrote in my book.

“Many of these expectations would be fulfilled immediately as Zambia in 1964 had a population of 3.5 million[1] with 900 million pounds[1] in foreign reserves. The country needed the urgent development of massive infrastructure in virtually all phases of the economy. What President Kaunda, the top leadership, and the Zambian people would discover is that the British colonialists had left them with almost nothing to run the newly independent country. Zambia had only 100 Zambians with university degrees, about 1500 Zambians with Form V or Grade 12 school certificates, and only 6000 with junior or two years secondary education[1]. There was a critical shortage of manpower which could also be called a crisis for a country that had an urgent need to achieve high levels of development. The British colonial administration did not leave a reliable police force, an army or an air force. Zambia needed educated, trained, and qualified people in all areas.” (Tembo, Satisfying Zambian Hunger for Culture. 2012, p.334)

Our young country with the leadership of the United National Independence Party (UNIP), President Kaunda, the young Cabinet Ministers went to work to develop the country. There was tremendous euphoria all over the country. I could see change happening to me, around me, and in the area my family lived at Dzoole Primary School along the Chipata and Lundazi Road. I personally witnessed spectacular changes too many to list. New schools were built urgently requiring teacher. For example, my 2 older sisters Mrs. Mtonga and Mrs. Zimba who were 19 and 17 years old went to Minga Teacher Training College for 12 months in 1966. Once they completed their training, they were assigned to schools to teach. Their husbands had also attended teacher training colleges and were already young teachers.

Roads were being tarred or paved, the Lusaka to Chipata road was being paved, roads were being graded, new clinics were being built, teachers were being trained, Zambia Airways was established, the steam engines that used coal to run trains were replaced to diesel engines, there were new Leyland buses for long distance transportation. The University of Zambia was being built. President Kaunda and UNIP policies promoted training skilled manpower to implement Zambianization of workplaces so that Zambians would eventually replace the largely European or bazungu and other foreign expatriate skilled workers. There were spectacular economic, political, and largely peaceful social changes in Zambia. There were some political conflicts. The greatest gift our founders gave us as a nation is the establishment of a non-racial and non-tribal society. UNIP and the national leaders railed against racism and tribalism all the time and promoted love, peace, and “One Zambia One Nation.”

The population of Zambia is 19 million. The proportion of the country that is under 14 years old is 46.7%, those between 15 and 24 years old are 20%, those between 25 to 54 years old are 28.4% and but those between 55 and 64 years old are only 2.9% and those above 65 years old are even smaller at 2.4%. The age statistics that are the most important for the crucial possible important role for understanding 60 years of Zambia’s independence is that Zambians who are younger than 30 years old may be about 70% of the population which is about 13.3 million young girls, boys, women and men. And yet those who are over 65 years old are only 2.4% which is only 456,000. Therefore, there are fewer elders today in Zambia who are my age of 70 years to teach younger people about our experiences during the first years of our independence.

This is why I am appealing to all those Zambians; black, white, and of all backgrounds to write down your experiences and publish books and diaries about our experiences. During the next 60 years, many of us who experienced the first 60 years of Zambia’s independence will have died. Please write diaries about your lives.

By Mwizenge S. Tembo, Ph. D.

Emeritus Professor of Sociology

President Hichilema Commended On Dismissing Three Constitutional Court Judges

39

Governance and Development Advocates Zambia has commended President Hakainde Hichilema’s decision of firing Constitutional Court Judges.

Governance and Development Advocates Executive Director Elias Mulenga said President Hichilema’s decision to dismiss the three Constitutional Court judges is the right course of action to take as provided by the Constitution and the laws of Zambia.

Mr Mulenga said his organisation is concerned with some social media narratives that President Hakainde Hichilema has fired the three Constitution Court Judges.

He said this decision follows a complaint against the judges, which was thoroughly investigated by the Judicial Complaints Commission (JCC).

Mr Mulenga noted that the JCC made recommendations to President Hichilema and that the President has acted upon these recommendations following the laid down procedures enshrined in the constitution of the Republic of Zambia.

He stated that the President’s mandate is clearly outlined in the Zambian Constitution, and he had no choice but to invoke and exercise the Powers vested in him in article 143 (b) and (c) of the Constitution of Zambia which is the relevant section to fulfill his oath of allegiance.

Meanwhile, Mr Mulenga said that President Hichilema is a respecter of the Constitution and the laws of Zambia and has urged citizens not to criticise him in execution of his duties.

Reggae Icon Burning Spear to Arrive in Zambia Today: A Key Highlight of Independence Week Celebrations

Reggae Icon Burning Spear to Arrive in Zambia Today: A Key Highlight of Independence Week Celebrations

Lusaka, October 21, 2024 – The legendary reggae artist Winston Rodney, famously known as Burning Spear, is set to arrive at Kenneth Kaunda International Airport (KKIA) today at 13:40, bringing immense excitement to Zambia as the nation celebrates Independence Week. Burning Spear, whose music has long been associated with African pride, liberation, and social justice, will headline a major concert on the eve of Zambia’s Independence Day, October 23, at Mika Convention Centre in Lusaka.

As a Rastafarian and one of the most influential and long-standing roots artists to emerge from the 1970s, Burning Spear’s presence during this milestone 60th anniversary of Zambia’s independence is seen as a significant cultural highlight. He famously met Bob Marley early in his career, who encouraged him to pursue music and solidify his place in the reggae genre. Fans from across the country are eagerly awaiting his arrival, as Burning Spear’s music resonates deeply with themes of unity and freedom.

Anticipation is high as fans prepare to welcome Burning Spear at KKIA this afternoon. Waving Rastafarian flags and dressed in vibrant red, green, and gold, fans are expected to give the reggae legend a grand Zambian reception. His visit during this special week has added even more excitement to the nation’s Independence celebrations.

Concert promoter Boni Mubukwanu expressed his enthusiasm for this monumental event. “We are thrilled to host Burning Spear in Zambia, especially during Independence Week. His music is a reflection of the freedom and pride we celebrate. This concert is not just entertainment; it’s a celebration of our culture, our unity, and the messages of peace and justice that reggae brings,” Mubukwanu stated.

He also encouraged Zambians to support the event. “We urge everyone to come out in large numbers and make this event a success. Tickets are priced at just ZMW 250, and this is an opportunity to witness one of the greatest legends of reggae perform live.”

The concert will also feature a dynamic lineup of local reggae talent, including renowned Zambian acts Maiko Zulu, Ras Kinky, Ras Peter Bob, Dr. Mooch, I-Man Africa, Burning Youth Band and Ras Anada. The Burning Youth Band, along with Ras Anada’s Negus Tafari Band, will provide live backing for these local artists, ensuring a night filled with powerful performances and rich reggae rhythms.

Burning Spear will perform alongside his full ensemble, The Burning Band, which has traveled with him to Zambia. This world-class band is known for delivering outstanding live performances and will bring the legendary roots reggae sound to life on the Zambian stage.

The Zambian stage manager for the event, Douglas Leroy Namafente, also known as Selecta D of HOT FM, has assured fans of a top-tier concert experience. “We’ve been working hard to ensure everything is in place for a seamless show. Expect quality sound and professional performances from all the artists. We are making sure this is a night to remember,” said Namafente.

As Zambia approaches its 60th Independence Day on October 24, Burning Spear’s concert on October 23 at Mika Convention Centre promises to be one of the most exciting events of Independence Week. His music, steeped in African consciousness, speaks to the nation’s journey to freedom, making it a perfect tribute to Zambia’s independence.

Burning Spear’s Discography

Burning Spear’s impressive discography includes albums such as:

  1. Burning Spear (1973)
  2. Marcus Garvey (1975)
  3. Columbus (1980)
  4. Social Living (1980)
  5. Hail H.I.M. (1981)
  6. Jah Nuh Dead (1981)
  7. Live (1982)
  8. Rasta Business (1989)
  9. The World Should Know (1994)
  10. Vengeance (1996)
  11. Living Dub (1999)
  12. Mystical Truth (2005)
  13. Burning Spear Live (2012)
  14. The Burning Band Live (2021)

This collaboration between international and local artists, supported by expert management and quality sound, will ensure an unforgettable celebration. Fans are eagerly awaiting what promises to be an iconic night of reggae, unity, and culture.

All media houses are invited to a media briefing this afternoon  surrounding Burning Spears upcoming concert.

President Hichilema’s Dismissal of ConCourt Judges Follows Constitutional Procedure, Ensures Judicial Integrity

President Hichilema’s Dismissal of ConCourt Judges Follows Constitutional Procedure, Ensures Judicial Integrity

In a decisive move aimed at upholding the rule of law and safeguarding the integrity of Zambia’s judiciary, President Hakainde Hichilema has dismissed three Constitutional Court judges Mungeni Mulenga, Annie Sitali, and Palan Mulonda. This action, effective immediately as per a letter dated October 20, 2024, follows a detailed investigation and formal recommendation by the Judicial Complaints Commission (JCC). The President’s decision underscores his administration’s commitment to transparency, accountability, and the constitutional order.

The suspension and subsequent removal of these judges were not only legally justified but also carried out in full compliance with the Zambian Constitution. Under Article 144, the President holds the authority to remove judges based on recommendations from the JCC, an independent body tasked with investigating judicial misconduct. The decision to act on this recommendation highlights the administration’s resolve to maintain a judiciary that operates above reproach, free from allegations of bias or unethical behavior.

The Judicial Complaints Commission, after conducting a thorough inquiry, found evidence of serious breaches of judicial conduct among the three judges. Given the vital role that the Constitutional Court plays in interpreting the nation’s laws and presiding over matters of national importance, the integrity of its judges is paramount. Any actions that cast doubt on the impartiality or competence of these judges threaten the foundations of Zambia’s legal system.

The UPND administration emphasizes that this decision was made to restore and reinforce public confidence in the judiciary. The removal of the judges was not politically motivated but was a necessary response to the findings of an independent and legally mandated body. The government strongly refutes any claims that this move undermines judicial independence. On the contrary, the administration believes that holding judges accountable when they fall short of ethical standards strengthens the independence and credibility of the judiciary.

The Constitutional Court is an institution of immense responsibility, tasked with interpreting the Constitution and protecting citizens’ rights. It is imperative that the individuals entrusted with these roles adhere to the highest standards of professionalism and ethics. By removing judges whose conduct has been called into question, President Hichilema is ensuring that only those who meet these high standards continue to serve the Zambian people.

Importantly, the process followed in this case was transparent and strictly adhered to the constitutional framework. The three judges were initially suspended following the presentation of evidence to the JCC, and a thorough hearing was conducted. This legal process ensured that their rights were respected while addressing the concerns raised regarding their conduct. It is this transparent and procedural approach that upholds the rule of law in Zambia, a core value of the UPND government.

Critics of the President’s decision have suggested that it is politically motivated, particularly in light of the political landscape in Zambia. However, this interpretation overlooks the critical role of the JCC and the fact that the recommendation to remove the judges was based purely on the findings of an independent investigation. The UPND believes that Zambia’s judiciary must operate free from any political interference or suspicion of bias, and this action reinforces the administration’s commitment to that principle.

The President’s authority to act in this regard is constitutionally enshrined, and his decision reflects the very purpose of the JCC’s role in ensuring that the judiciary remains fair and impartial. Upholding judicial integrity is crucial for any functioning democracy, and the UPND administration remains firm in its belief that no one, including members of the judiciary, is above the law. The removal of these judges is a necessary step toward ensuring a judiciary that commands the full confidence of the Zambian people.

President Hichilema’s government reiterates that the rule of law, transparency, and accountability are central tenets of its governance. By acting swiftly and decisively on the JCC’s findings, the President has taken a bold step in ensuring that the judiciary remains independent, trustworthy, and committed to upholding the values enshrined in the Zambian Constitution.

The dismissal of Judges Mulenga, Sitali, and Mulonda was conducted within the boundaries of the law, following constitutional processes and based on the findings of an independent investigative body. The UPND government assures the Zambian people that this action is not only legal but also necessary to protect the integrity of the country’s judiciary. Zambia’s democracy can only thrive when all branches of government, including the judiciary, operate with the highest levels of transparency and accountability, which this administration is firmly committed to upholding.

Eustus Banda

HH finally fires ConCourt judges Mungeni Mulenga, Annie Sitali, and Palan Mulonda

On October 20, 2024, President Hakainde Hichilema (HH) officially terminated the appointments of three Constitutional Court judges: Mungeni Mulenga, Annie Sitali, and Palan Mulonda. The decision was made following a recommendation by the Judicial Complaints Commission (JCC), which had been investigating these judges over allegations of misconduct. In a formal letter dated the same day, HH announced that the judges had been removed from their positions with immediate effect, an unprecedented move that has sparked intense political and legal debate in Zambia.

The controversy surrounding the three judges began when allegations surfaced that they had engaged in unethical conduct in their rulings. Critics accused them of bias in politically sensitive cases and questioned their integrity. This led to a formal inquiry by the JCC, tasked with investigating allegations of judicial misconduct. The process culminated in a detailed report that recommended the removal of the judges.

In September 2024, following the release of the JCC’s report, the three judges were suspended from their duties pending a full court hearing. This suspension was significant, as it marked the first time sitting Constitutional Court judges had been put under such scrutiny. Their suspension raised concerns about the impartiality of the judiciary and the broader implications for the rule of law in Zambia.

During the court hearing that followed, the defense attorneys for the judges argued that the suspension was politically motivated. They maintained that the judges had acted within the boundaries of the law and that their rulings were based on legal precedent, not political bias. However, the JCC presented evidence suggesting that the judges had violated judicial ethics, leading to concerns about their ability to impartially interpret the Constitution.

The court hearing lasted several weeks, with intense public interest in the proceedings. Many Zambians saw the case as a test of the independence of the judiciary. The ultimate dismissal of the judges following the hearing, however, was seen as a victory for those pushing for judicial reform and accountability, particularly among Hichilema’s supporters, who had long claimed that parts of the judiciary were influenced by the previous Patriotic Front (PF) regime.

The firing of the three judges, however, has been interpreted by some as part of a broader political strategy by President Hichilema to neutralize perceived threats from his predecessor, Edgar Lungu. Since assuming office in 2021, HH has faced ongoing political resistance from Lungu and factions within the PF, who remain influential in Zambian politics. Lungu’s supporters have often hinted at a possible political comeback, which has raised the stakes in the current political environment.

Lungu’s presidency was marked by numerous accusations of corruption and authoritarianism, and there was widespread speculation that the judiciary had been compromised during his tenure. In fact, some of the judges in question had been accused of ruling in favor of the PF in cases where Lungu’s political survival was at stake. This background created the perception that the suspension and firing of these judges were part of HH’s broader strategy to dismantle Lungu’s political machinery.

HH’s decision to fire the judges has been interpreted by some observers as a signal that he is prepared to take strong measures to ensure that the judiciary is free from any lingering influence from Lungu’s time in power. By acting on the recommendations of the JCC, HH appears determined to reform the judiciary and restore public confidence in its independence. However, critics of HH argue that the move is part of a calculated effort to consolidate power and eliminate any potential legal avenues that Lungu might use to stage a political comeback.

The fear of Edgar Lungu’s influence looms large in Zambian politics, and HH’s recent actions, including the dismissal of the Constitutional Court judges, suggest that he is keen to preempt any moves that could threaten his administration. Lungu, despite his retirement from active politics, continues to wield significant influence, particularly within the PF and among segments of Zambian society that view his presidency in a more favorable light.

Ultimately, the firing of Mungeni Mulenga, Annie Sitali, and Palan Mulonda could be seen as HH’s attempt to assert his control over the political landscape and eliminate any obstacles to his reform agenda. Whether this decision will lead to a more independent judiciary or further deepen political divisions in Zambia remains to be seen. Nevertheless, the political maneuvering surrounding the judiciary underscores the ongoing tension between HH and Lungu, with the former seeking to secure his position in a fragile and polarized political environment.