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Presidency Bound by Law in Suspension of Madam Justice Emelia Phiri Sunkutu – Kawana

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Presidency Bound by Law in Suspension of Madam Justice Emelia Phiri Sunkutu – Kawana

The government has firmly dismissed allegations that tribalism influenced the recent suspension of High Court Judge, Madam Justice Emelia Phiri Sunkutu. Speaking during a joint press briefing in Lusaka, Information and Media Permanent Secretary Mr. Thabo Kawana stressed that President Hakainde Hichilema was constitutionally obligated to act on the directive of the Judicial Complaints Commission (JCC).

“The President has no alternative, no discretion, but only to do that which the JCC has asked. This is not a matter of choice, but a constitutional process,” Mr. Kawana said.

He further explained that the JCC has 30 days to hear the matter and determine whether the suspension should be upheld or lifted, urging the public to respect the legal process and avoid misrepresenting it along tribal or political lines.

Meanwhile, Permanent Secretary for Technical Services in the Ministry of Local Government and Rural Development, Mr. Nicholas Phiri, addressed progress on the Constituency Development Fund (CDF) procured ambulances. He confirmed that despite minor logistical setbacks, the government is on course to deliver all 156 ambulances by August 2025, circumstances permitting.

“We already have 47 ambulances in custody. Five were received on Wednesday and 24 more have crossed into Zambia from Tanzania,” Mr. Phiri announced.

Each ambulance, procured at a significantly reduced cost of approximately K2.3 million (USD 85,000–89,000), represents a major improvement in cost-efficiency compared to past purchases that reportedly reached USD 230,000 per unit.

The procurement reflects the government’s continued efforts to ensure value for money, expand healthcare access, and strengthen local accountability through the CDF mechanism.

Both officials emphasized that the government remains transparent, accountable, and committed to serving the interests of all Zambians through constitutional governance and equitable development.

Unpacking the dangers of the Constitution of Zambia (Amendment) Bill

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Unpacking the dangers of the Constitution of Zambia (Amendment) Bill

Part I

By Sishuwa Sishuwa

A national constitution is a social contract that sets out the rules by which the people agree to govern themselves. This explains why the making of a constitution or any amendment to it must always come from the people, bottom up. However, this has not always been the case.

Constitution-making or amendment has been a subject of fierce contestation between the people and the officials entrusted to manage public affairs – in this case, the presidency.Those in the executive arm of government often want to change, abuse, or simply ignore the rules in the constitution so that they can pursue their narrow interests while the people always
insist that the constitution reflects their aspirations and that the officials should respect it and promote the public good or common interests. This battle for greater control over the constitution is at the heart of the latest attempt by President Hakainde Hichilema to change Zambia’s constitution, a year before the country goes to the polls and less than ten years after
the Constitution was passed.

On 23 May 2025, the government published the Constitution of Zambia (Amendment) Bill Number 7 of 2025. The publication of Bill 7 represents the clearest evidence that Hichilema is proceeding to make changes to Zambia’s constitution despite strong public opposition to his plans. Broad sections of civil society, opposition parties, and ordinary citizens had asked
the president to abandon the exercise for four main reasons. The first is timing. Some argued that it is too early to change a Constitution that was only repealed and re-enacted in January 2016 with the full support of Hichilema’s members of parliament. Others suggested that the exercise, coming so close to the 13 August 2026 general election, risks being clouded by
partisan considerations and should be deferred to 2027. The second reason for objection is that changing the Constitution now is premature. Many of its provisions are yet to be tested, an essential way of identifying any possible shortcomings
that might require attention. Those that have been tested so far have acquitted themselves well. In fact, some of the institutions and statutes that are supposed to be created to support

the Constitution are yet to be actualised. A great example here is the Political Parties Bill which, according to Article 60 (4) of the current Constitution, should provide for: the establishment and management of a Political Parties’ Fund to provide financial support to political parties with seats in the National Assembly; the accounts of political parties which
are funded under the Political Parties’ Fund and the submission of audited accounts by political parties; the sources of funds for political parties; and the maximum amount of money to be used for campaigns during elections.

The third criticism rests on priorities: that constitutional reform, if at all it is necessary, is not an urgent concern of most Zambians who are grappling with a cost-of-living crisis, 17-hour daily power cuts, and massive corruption in government that has seen the United States cut aid to Zambia’s health sector. The final criticism is about lack of wider public participation. Unlike previous efforts, the latest effort at rewriting the constitution is primarily driven by the
executive. None of the latest proposals were agreed upon through broad consensus. As a result, they reflect the aspirations not of citizens but of those in power, primarily the president and governing party. 

In what has become his trademark response to public concerns, Hichilema simply ignored these combined objections to his plans, and the result is Bill 7. If enacted into law, the proposed changes would have dreadful consequences as they encourage corruption and undermine the principles, values, and legitimacy of the democratic system. There are eight major themes that run through the Bill. These include securing the president’s desire to control parliament; the exclusion of rival candidates through court-engineered disqualification of duly nominated candidates; giving political parties greater control over
elected officials by abolishing by-elections; and political cadrisation of the civil service from the top by lowering the constitutional qualifications for the role of Secretary to Cabinet.

Other themes are the constructive extension of the presidential term of office by removing references to a five-year fixed term of parliament and changing the meaning of a term; and the elimination of the risk of disqualification from seeking elective public office by removing corruption or malpractice from the constitution as a sufficient ground on which anyone may
petition a court to invalidate the completed nomination of a candidate – corrupt incumbent presidents are vulnerable targets here. The remaining themes are facilitating the use of public resources for political campaigns by moving the date of the dissolution of parliament from the current three months to a day before the general election whilst requiring MPs to do no
official work during the final three months; and increasing centralisation of government operations by reversing the 2016 amendment that barred MPs from being councillors, a move that weakened their powers over local authorities and undermined their ability to profit through increased business opportunities.

Over the course of this and next weeks, I will be analysing these themes in no particular order of importance, showing how the Bill’s main proposals are all linked to Hichilema’s partisan interests. As opposed to writing one lengthy commentary, I have decided to serialise my reflections into shorter instalments, spread or published across several days. This approach, I
hope, would enable in-depth discussion of the eight themes. Today, let us start with the first one.

Theme 1. Securing Control of Parliament
The first benefit that Hichilema seeks to achieve through Bill 7 is control of the National Assembly after the next general election or potentially even before. After using the executive-friendly Constitutional Court to block his main rival, former president Edgar Lungu, from contesting the 2026 election, Hichilema is relatively confident of winning. However, he is greatly concerned that he could win the presidential election but lose control of parliament, where rigging is harder, even with his supporters in charge of the country’s electoral management body. To avoid this, the president has proposed to alter the composition of the National Assembly by adding ninety-two new offices of members of parliament (MPs).
After spending a decade and half in opposition politics, Hichilema won the 2021 election with a clear mandate of 59 percent, defeating then incumbent president Edgar Lungu who polled 39 per cent of the total votes cast.However, Hichilema’s party only managed to secure 82 out of the available 156 seats in parliament. Even when the eight nominations that the constitution allows the president to appoint to parliament were added, the ruling United Party for National Development (UPND) was still about 20 seats short of the two-thirds majority (111) needed to make changes to the constitution such as making it easier for the president to gain re-election and extending presidential terms. The former ruling party, the Patriotic Front (PF), won 60 seats while independent candidates secured a record 13 seats. To build the majority that his party was denied at the ballot, Hichilema has spent much of the last three and a half years stealing seats from the main opposition PF and independent lawmakers. To do this, he has abused state institutions such as the police and the judiciary, whose susceptibility to executive influence has enabled a record seven lawmakers to lose their parliamentary seats under dubious circumstances.

Despite these manoeuvres, Hichilema is yet to achieve a clear parliamentary majority, which he now hopes to secure through Bill 7 with three proposals. The first proposal is to create 55 new constituencies by dividing the existing ones into two or three constituencies based on a delimitation report that has been generated by his supporters in the Electoral Commission of
Zambia (ECZ). The report is yet to be made public, but sources in the electoral body disclosed that most of the constituencies that are earmarked for subdivision – such as Itezhi-tezhi and Namwala in Southern Province, Keembe in Central Province, Chongwe in Lusaka,Mufumbwe, Mwinilunga and Kasempa in Northwestern Province, and Senanga and Mulobezi in Western Province – are in in areas that have historically voted for Hichilema. Through gerrymandering, the president is hoping that his party will win most of these new seats, facilitating an even greater majority for the UPND and making it easier for it to make further changes to the constitution in the future.

The second proposal connected to this theme is the introduction of proportional representation that would see the creation of a total of 35 new parliamentary seats that are reserved for women (20 seats), youths (12), and persons with disabilities (3). No explanations have been offered on how these numbers were arrived at. Although the Bill says further mechanisms of how this proposal would work out will be spelt out in subsidiary legislation, it states that these seats will be distributed by the electoral body to political parties “in proportion to the total number of votes obtained by a political party on the proportional representation ballot”. Here, Hichilema is again confident that his party would receive the larger percentage of the votes on proportional representation for political parties and increase its overall majority in parliament.
The third proposal linked to this theme is the increase in the number of nominations to parliament that the constitution allows the president to make. At present, this number stands at 8 and has been like that since 1991. Hichilema is proposing to add two nominations to make it 10. Altogether, he is seeking, through Bill 7, to increase the total number of MPs from the current 164 to 256 in the hope that most of the new 92 seats would belong to his party, giving the president the elusive two-thirds majority that he has long sought and greater control over parliament. Should these proposals pass, they will therefore enable Hichilema to make further changes to the constitution after conducting either the by-elections that could be
created by the passage of Bill 7 or the next general election.

Although no explanation has been offered for the proposed increase in the number of nominated members of the National Assembly, Hichilema’s administration has tendered two reasons for the first two proposals. According to the Minister of Justice, Princess Kasune Zulu, the decision to redraw constituency boundaries is meant to make them smaller, as some MPs have blamed their failure to deliver services and the high turnover at elections on the large size of their constituencies. This reason is misplaced because the constitutional role of MPs in Zambia is to make laws, not to deliver services – a responsibility of the local authorities.

The official justification for the proposed proportional representation is to guarantee seats for women, youths, and persons with disabilities in the National Assembly. This too is most unpersuasive. This is because Article 259 of the current Constitution already provides for the appointment of members of these groups to the National Assembly and other public bodies to promote inclusion and diversity. It states that “Where a person is empowered to make a nomination or an appointment to a public office, that person shall ensure: that fifty percent of each gender is nominated or appointed from the total available positions, unless it is not practicable to do so; and equitable representation of the youth and persons with disabilities,
where these qualify for nomination or appointment.”

If women, youths, and persons with disabilities are currently underrepresented in the National Assembly and other public offices, the problem is not the Constitution, but the lack of respect for it by Hichilema and his officials who are empowered to make appointments. For instance, even though the Constitution calls for equal gender representation in public offices, only four of Hichilema’s 24 cabinet ministers are women, a contravention of the Constitution. To address electoral imbalances, the Constitution, as earlier stated, allows the president to nominate eight persons to parliament (all of whom could have been females and appointed to Cabinet), but Hichilema filled all the slots with older men except one, the 76-year-old
Mutinta Mazoka. Only one of Hichilema’s ten provincial ministers is female, another violation of the Constitution. In the understanding of the UPND, proportional representation is meant to increase the participation of underrepresented minority groups in decision-making positions. Since women constitute the majority demographic in Zambia, the proposal to reserve 20 out of the 256 seats to them is not only an anomaly but also an attempt to water down the existing constitutional provisions on gender parity.

Hichilema has further made no appointments of either youth, constitutionally defined as someone between the ages of 18 and 35, or persons with disabilities to Cabinet, the National Assembly, or provincial ministerial leadership – a clear violation of the Constitution. Taken together, this concerning record shows that Hichilema is suffering from a disability of a mental kind: the incapacity to follow the Constitution. If the president cannot do what the Constitution currently demands of him, assuming he has read and understood it, why should anyone believe that the addition of 20 women, 12 youths, and 3 persons with disabilities –who will come from different political parties – is the missing cure to his demonstrated lack of respect for the Constitution? Insisting that only the law can cure a character flaw such as misogyny, or the lack of individual will to change for the better, is akin to having a lying or thieving president who insists that he or she cannot stop stealing or telling lies unless the national constitution is amended to provide for adequate provisions that encourage the truth and honesty.

It is also worth noting that the low number of women, youths, and persons with disabilities in parliament has little to do with the Constitution; it is a consequence of a long-standing patriarchal culture in the main political parties that does not favour the adoption of members of these groups during nominations for elective public office. For instance, both the UPND
and the PF adopted the lowest number of female and youth parliamentary candidates in the 2021 general election. As detailed in nearly all the reports of different election observation missions, smaller opposition parties such as the Socialist Party and the Democratic Party had more women and youths than male parliamentary candidates in 2021. Hichilema and the UPND’s lack of respect for women, youths, and persons with disabilities is further illustrated by the fact that they have not adopted a single representative of these groups in any of the five parliamentary by-elections that have been held since the 2021 election. Only yesterday, the ruling party announced that it has adopted an older, non-disabled, male person as its candidate for the forthcoming Lumezi parliamentary by-election in Eastern Province. How does Hichilema hope to fix a problem on national scale that he has failed to address in his own party?Based on current evidence, the problem of low representation of women is clearly not the law; it is entrenched patriarchy, which, for Hichilema, regularly finds public expression in his language and behaviour. Since the Constitution already provides for gender parity in public appointments and for the inclusion of marginalised groups such as persons with disabilities, what is needed is to enact subsidiary legislation that would give expression to these constitutional principles such as compelling political parties to adopt more women, youths,and persons with disabilities during elections. A more effective response is for UPND to take to parliament the earlier mentioned and long-awaited Political Parties Bill that can require all political parties contesting in a general election to ensure that at least fifty percent of their adopted candidates for all elective public positions are women, youths, and persons with disabilities. There is clearly no need to change the Constitution for the purpose of providing what is already provided for in the current law. Proportional representation is a ruse meant to hoodwink women, youths, and persons with disabilities into supporting Bill 7 based on the false premise that it advances their interests when, in fact, it does not.

Moreover, in the run-up to the 2021 election, Hichilema’s predecessor, Lungu, took to parliament a constitutional amendment bill, infamously known as Bill 10, which contained some of the proposals that Hichilema is now seeking to introduce such as proportional representation for women, youths, and persons with disabilities. Ironically, Lungu used the same justifications that Hichilema and his officials are employing today in support of Bill 7. At the time, Hichilema commendably instructed his MPs to reject Bill 10 on the ground that the proposals represented a partisan rather than national exercise. What has changed today?

Why are the same proposals bad when presented by Lungu, but good when presented by Hichilema and the UPND?Is there any principle or belief that Hichilema held prior to the 2021 election – and which earned him the support of many – that he has since not abandoned? What exactly does Hichilema really stand for? Is it even worth exposing his hypocrisy on different key issues since he appears to enjoy immunity from shame? Put differently, does Hichilema ever feel guilt, shame, or embarrassment for all the lies and horrible things he says and does? For even his most ardent supporters must concede that he is behaving disgracefully in power. It bothers me greatly that Zambia has a president who constantly tells lies and easily changes his
position on many subjects whenever it is politically expedient but does not seem bothered by how this despicable conduct erodes public trust in his leadership. If Hichilema can feel shame, now would be a good time to start showing it in his actions, speech, and behaviour. Failure to do this, citizens with an active conscience may have to assume the burden of feeling embarrassed on his behalf, in addition to enduring the many hardships that his administration has unleashed on them. If God gave me an opportunity to ask Him only one question, it would be this: Mwelesa, bushe Hichilema mwamufumishe kwisa?

Zambia loses election for AfDB top post

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Zambia loses election for AfDB top post

By Benedict Tembo

ZAMBIA has lost the bid to win the super banker position at the African Development Bank (AfDB) after her candidate Samuel Munzele Maimbo lost to Mauritania’s former economy minister Sidi Ould Tah during elections held today in Abidjan, Cote D’Ivoire.

Dr Maimbo along with four other candidates began the contest at the AfDB Annual Meetings.

Dr Maimbo was in pole position in the first round, marshalling 40.41 percent of the votes against Dr Tah’s 33.21 while Senegal’s Amadou Hott had 17.62, South Africa’s Bajabulile Swazi Tshabalala trailing in fourth place with 8.24 and Chad’s Mahamat Abbas Tolli in distant fifth with a paltry 0.52 votes.

But after two rounds of voting, Dr Tah was in front with 48.41 percent of the ballot, Dr Maimbo trailed in second place to 36.68 percent, Senegal’s Amadou Hott in third with 9.02 percent Bajabulile Swazi Tshabalala, who eventually dropped out of the race after managing only 5.90 percent.

The winner had to secure both a majority of votes from all member countries and a majority of votes from African nations.

At that point, Dr Tah had snatched 68.42 percent of African votes compared to 18.77 percent for Dr Maimbo going into the third round.

Dr Tah polled a runaway 76.18 percent against Dr Maimbo’s 20.26.

Dr Tah replaces Nigeria’s Akinwumi Adesina who headed the AfDB for 10 years.
Dr Maimbo was magnanimous in defeat and congratulated Dr Tah for the victory.
“I wish to congratulate Dr. Sidi Ould Tah on his successful election as the President-elect of the African Development Bank Group,” he said
Dr Maimbo said he entered the race for the AfDB presidency driven by love and deep concern for the African continent, and offered a vision for Africa’s future.
” Today, the Governors have chosen the leader they believe will best deliver the vision of the Africa we want at this pivotal moment,” Dr Maimbo said in a message shared by Ministry of Finance public relations officer Chileshe Kandeta.
He paid gratitude to all the governments, private sector partners, and young people who supported his campaign.
“The work for Africa’s development and prosperity continues, and I remain committed to our shared goal of building a thriving continent,” Dr Maimbo said.
Although Zambia will be consoled by the election of Shebo Nalishebo as AfDB executive director representing Botswana, Malawi, Mauritius, and Zambia on the bank’s Group Board of Directors, Dr Maimbo’s flop is a bitter pill to swallow considering the growing list of other Zambians effort to head international bodies being unsuccessful.

Two months ago, former FAZ president Andrew Kamanga failed in his bid to be elected to FIFA despite endorsements from COSAFA and CECAFA.

Mubita Nawa’s candidature for the candidacy for the International Criminal Police Organisation (INTERPOL) Secretary General was also unsuccessful.

In 2013, minister of Technology and Science Felix Mutati’s dream of heading the United National Conference on Trade and Development as Secretary General flopped after then UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon snubbed him.

Mr. Ban instead nominated Mukhisa Kituyi of Kenya to serve as Secretary-General of UNCTAD for a term of four years beginning September 1, 2013.

In 2008, Inonge Mbikusita-Lewanika, lost the bid for the position of African Union Commission chairperson.

Dr Mbikusita-Lewanika, who was Zambia’s Ambassador to United States of America, lost the position to Gabonese foreign affairs minister, Jean Ping, during the elections held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

Like Mr Kamanga’s case, SADC endorses Zambian candidates and end up doing the opposite when it comes to voting.

It was the same for Dr Maimbo as some of the countries that voted for Zambia in the first round defected in the third round.

Trump’s threat to cut off HIV aid might be the wake-up call we need

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Trump’s threat to cut off HIV aid might be the wake-up call we need

Dr. Manto Tshabalala-Msimang, South Africa’s Health Minister from 1999 to 2008, gained notoriety for promoting beetroot and other vegetables as treatments for HIV/AIDS. She was terribly misguided; millions suffered unnecessarily, but what if she’d advocated for a return to the traditional African diet? We might have witnessed a miracle.

“Mysterious” HIV first caught medical attention in 1981 among gay men in Los Angeles. It emerged that the virus was already spreading among heterosexual black African populations in sub-Saharan Africa. Modern travel explains the 16,000 km gap between LA and Central Africa but not, “Why these two specific populations?”

We need to go back 50 million years. As the earth began cooling again, primates migrated to the tropics. Those that chose Africa encountered the simian immunodeficiency virus (SIV)—HIV’s likely ancestor. While researchers date HIV’s emergence in humans to the 1930s in sub-Saharan Africa, they don’t answer the most important question: “Why the 1930s?”

We evolved in Africa; as “modern” humans, we’ve been around for 300,000 years. SIV must have reached some equilibrium with human hosts; otherwise, we wouldn’t have survived. It is clear that the humans of Africa in the last 20,000 years were remarkable specimens, certainly bigger, stronger, and more resilient than today’s top athletes. Early settlers in Zimbabwe (1900) described the indigenous people as physically impressive, with “tall, dark beauties” and “sculptured” men possessing remarkable energy. What went wrong in just 30 years?

The story of two Ndebele kings mirrors what was happening all over Africa, which was to change the continent forever.

Mzilikazi, the founder of the Ndebele Kingdom, chose modern-day Bulawayo to settle because there was nowhere else. Hemmed in by the Mashona, Manica, Zulu, and Afrikaner, only modern-day Botswana lay open, and it was desert. He knew, too, that all of them were as trapped as the next. So when this “maize” the Portuguese had introduced arrived, although he must have watched with trepidation as his women planted it, he couldn’t ban it. Only the Afrikaner Boer resisted—for now, and they could because they “farmed” their livestock. The black Africans didn’t—they only slaughtered their own livestock on special spiritual occasions, for they were the measure of a tribe’s standing with its gods. Livestock were their bank. No king wanted to see their animals converted into mobile larders; the slow acceptance of “agriculture” and the depletion of the stock of wild animals continued.

A striking and imposing figure to the end, Mzilikazi died of old age in 1868, aged 78. His son Lobengula embraced the new foods. He died at 48 in 1894, suffering from obesity and gout.

The revolution that occurred has never been acknowledged. The traditional African diet—meat-based, nutrient-dense—that fed stomachs especially evolved over maybe hundreds of millions of years was completely overthrown by a carbohydrate revolution. Throughout sub-Saharan Africa, it was the same. The key component was maize, and the foundations were laid in just 30 years!

Speaking of my area of knowledge, Southern Africa, by 1910 there were widespread reports of blacks clearing lands and ripping up the earth with iron-ox-drawn ploughs. Increasingly, whites were engaging blacks to grow maize for them.

The 1930s has a special place in this HIV/AIDS story. Maize was eaten for breakfast, lunch, and supper by blacks everywhere. This generation of parents was the first to grow up thinking maize was normal, and they were feeding it to their children. Maize was becoming part of the culture. It was in the 1930s that white farmers began growing maize commercially. The “maize belt” was a reality. Southern Africa also experienced its first real black migration from rural homes to the cities. Though it was only to speed up after 1950, two parallel changes were occurring: those at home still treating livestock as their bank carbo-loaded, and those in the cities relied increasingly on packaged and processed foods, including fine-ground maize meal. Throughout, whites maintained a balanced diet of “meat and two veg,” but one change they didn’t escape. When I was growing up in the 1950s in Africa, it seemed that something new and sugar-based was promoted every month. Not only was the diet shift revolution complete, but now people were looking for sugar. In the 60s, a typical lunch for a labourer was “half a loaf and a big Coke.”

A feature of urbanization was the better you were paid, the more sugar and sugar-based whatnots you added to your diet. By 1980, SA, the industrial giant of Africa, was 45% urbanized, and their food came from the shops. In “Beautiful No More: Zimbabwe’s Hidden Crisis on Show,” I wrote that the decline in the health of the blacks of Central and Southern Africa was easily seen as the 70s turned into the 80s. And it was not surprising: the children of 1980 were the great-grandchildren of the Mzilikazi era. They were being fed non-human food by parents whose bodies were already compromised. What had then been external was, by 1980, internal: it was now okay to say a child was born craving. Even if that’s wrong, it is reasonable to say the cumulative effect of the diet change made immune systems more susceptible to infections, including HIV. The statistics show that the HIV virus took full advantage of a population with significant numbers of chronically ill people well able to host it.

While HIV drew the most attention, numerous other “diseases of civilization” emerged: diabetes, fatty liver, IBS, many other gut issues, ADHD, celiac disease, the spurt in autism, various cancers, respiratory issues, increased heart attacks, dementia, and becoming increasingly important because of the social side-effects, depression.

Why aren’t there more whites with HIV? We don’t know, but one thing is certain: the non-black population has never been this metabolically unhealthy. The pharmaceutical and health industries couldn’t have designed a better business model. Who needs to worry about GDP growth when more than half the world needs chronic medication?

Trump’s threat to cut off HIV aid might be the wake-up call we need. Instead of throwing money at treatments, we might finally ask the real questions: Why here? Why then? Why these people?

If only Dr. Beetroot had advocated for returning Africa’s ploughed lands to pasture..

Source:douglasschorr.com

Message to Our Valued Lusaka Times Readers

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Message to Our Valued Lusaka Times Readers

Dear Readers,

It has come to our attention that some of the ad networks operating on our site have been serving inappropriate advertisements to our users. We understand how frustrating and disappointing this can be, and we want to assure you that we take this matter very seriously.

We are currently investigating the specific ad network responsible for these violations. Our team is working diligently to isolate the issue and resolve it within the next 24 hours.

To be crystal clear, Lusaka Times will not tolerate any ad network that violates our terms of agreement. Any network found to be in breach will be permanently removed and banned from our platform without hesitation.

We sincerely apologize for any inconvenience this may have caused and thank you for your continued support and understanding.

Sincerely,
The Lusaka Times Team

President Hichilema Launches Maize Harvest, Champions Food Security in Namwala

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President Hichilema Launches Maize Harvest, Champions Food Security in Namwala
President Hichilema’s Ibamba Farm in Namwala District

President Hakainde Hichilema, accompanied by First Lady Mutinta Hichilema, launched the maize harvest at the couple’s Ibamba Farm in Namwala District on Wednesday, reaffirming his government’s and personal commitment to improving national food security.

Speaking during the harvest, President Hichilema emphasized the importance of transforming Zambia into a self-reliant food-producing nation amid the growing threat of climate change. “We made a commitment to continue being part of the solution towards increased food security in the country,” he said.

The President noted that land previously used for cattle ranching at Ibamba Farm has been diversified for crop production, a shift he said is vital for climate resilience. “With unpredictable weather patterns due to climate change, it is important that we invest in alternative farming activities such as irrigation agriculture,” he added.

Maize harvested from President Hichilema’s farm

President Hichilema set a national target of ensuring food reserves sufficient for at least three years, even in drought-prone periods like the one experienced last season. “Our target is to reach levels where, as a country, we can be food secure for at least three years,” he stated.

He urged citizens to prioritize household food needs before considering commercial sales. “We keep urging citizens to prioritise food security at household levels before considering selling the surplus,” the President said.

In addition to the maize harvest, the President confirmed that wheat has already been planted for the current season, demonstrating a multi-crop approach to agriculture.

Concluding his remarks, President Hichilema encouraged all Zambians to participate in food production. “Eaten today? Thank the farmer! Let’s be food producers and not only consumers,” he declared.

The event underscores the government’s broader agricultural agenda, which includes expanding irrigation systems, increasing support for small-scale farmers, and ensuring that Zambia can withstand global food supply shocks.

President Hichilema and First Lady Mutinta at their farm

Former Inmate Reunites with Mumba During Nyimba Visit: “God Always Has a Purpose”

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Former Inmate Reunites with Mumba During Nyimba Visit: “God Always Has a Purpose”

A routine drive through Nyimba turned into a moment of reflection and emotional reunion MMD President Dr. Nevers Mumba, who encountered a familiar face from his past—one of his fellow inmates from his 2016 incarceration at Mwembeshi Prison.

Dr. Mumba shared the moving encounter in a public message, recounting how the young man approached him with a broad smile and a heartwarming spirit. “These men protected me and served as my supervisors and guardians,” Mumba said, recalling his time behind bars. “We shared food, prayers, and church services.”

“The reasons behind God’s guidance through certain experiences may be unknown,” he said, “but it is clear that He always guides us, and there is always a purpose.”

The reunion in Nyimba, brief but meaningful, served as a powerful reminder of resilience, forgiveness, and the unexpected ways in which life journeys come full circle.

Mumba, known for his outspoken Christian faith and leadership in politics, described the moment as deeply symbolic. “It affirmed that even the darkest seasons of our lives can bear fruit when we trust in God’s plan,” he said.

The story has since resonated on social media, with many praising Mumba’s humility and reflection on redemption and divine providence.

Zambia’s refugee policy encourages farmers to be self-reliant

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Zambia’s refugee policy encourages farmers to be self-reliant

Following pledges made at the Global Refugee Forum in 2023, Zambia’s refugee policy is making progress towards improving conditions for refugees and their host communities.

When Mwaka Sangwa, 63, first arrived in Meheba refugee settlement in North-Western Zambia in 1993, she never imagined that she would end up spending more than half of her life there. Despite losing her husband and son to conflict in her country, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), she hoped she would be able to one day return there.

Over three decades on, she, along with her children and her grandchildren, have known no other home. The eastern DRC continues to face escalating violence, with little sign of peace in sight. In the last five months alone, more than 400,000 people were uprooted from their homes.

“I was young and energetic when I first arrived here,” recalled Mwaka Sangwa. “We were told that to eat, we need to do farming.”

After being given a piece of land by the Zambian government to settle and grow crops, as well as training in irrigation techniques, crop selection, and pest control, she immediately started planting soybeans and maize.

Over the years, she expanded her farm to 10 hectares and now employs fellow refugees and local Zambians. “Farming is our livelihood,” she said. “When we grow soya, we sell [it] and then buy clothes, food, and pay for our children’s education. The maize from the farm is mainly used for food… and also to pay those who help us with farming.”

Mwaka Sangwa is among more than 110,000 refugees, former refugees, and asylum-seekers, mostly from the DRC, Burundi, Angola and Rwanda, who call Zambia home. Most of them live in agricultural settlements such as Meheba, which are gradually becoming hubs for self-reliance and local integration, particularly in the wake of Zambia’s recent efforts to expand opportunities for refugees.

Restoring hope and dignity
Following pledges made at the Global Refugee Forum in 2023, the Government of the Republic of Zambia launched its first national refugee policy last year with the aim of helping refugees become more self-reliant while also improving socio-economic conditions for the Zambian communities hosting them. The Government also includes integrating refugees into planning for national services, so resources for health, education, and agricultural programmes also benefit refugees.

At a time of deep cuts to global humanitarian funding, Zambia’s inclusive policies aim to help forcibly displaced people take control of their lives, be free from aid dependency and meaningfully contribute to the economy of the country and the communities hosting them.

Meheba refugee settlement, a large expanse of agricultural land, covers 684 square kilometres and is located in the mining district of Kalumbila. It has been a safe haven for displaced people since 1971. Many of them, like Musole Mufwinda, an Angolan former refugee, were born there. Musole grows vegetables such as cabbage, okra, and sweet potatoes, which he sells locally.

Musole Mufwinda, an Angolan former refugee who has lived his whole life in the Meheba settlement, farms cabbages and other vegetables which he sells locally.
© UNHCR/Charity Nzomo

“I had parents who taught me that life would be better if you got into farming,” he said. “That is how I started farming. And as I sold the crops, I could see the benefit they were talking about. Last year, I successfully grew cabbages and sold the harvest. From the proceeds, I purchased a motorbike, and it is helping my family.”

A model for sustainability

To improve access to sustainable energy and increase agricultural production for both refugees and their host communities, UNHCR, the UN Refugee Agency, is working with the Zambian government to provide access to sustainable energy at all three refugee settlements in the country. UNHCR and partners like Caritas are also working with farmer cooperatives made up of refugees and host community members to set up value-addition centres in the settlements. The centres provide services such as storage, processing, packaging, and refrigeration that improve productivity and increase access to local markets, including value chains linked directly to the mining industry.

“We are currently getting fruits and vegetables from refugee [farmers],” said Priscilla, Community Relations Officer at Golden Camp Solutions, a private catering company that serves employees of Lumwana copper mine. “We are looking at a ton of cabbage a week and about 500 kilograms of tomatoes. There is no difference between a refugee [supplier] and a regular supplier.”

Priscilla works for a private catering company that serves employees of Lumwana copper mine and buys vegetables from refugee farmers.
© UNHCR/Charity Nzomo

On a recent afternoon, Musole filled a sack with freshly harvested cabbages, loaded them onto his motorbike, and drove through the lush green fields in his neighbourhood for about five minutes, to reach one of the value-addition facilities where he put the cabbages in a solarized cold storage unit until he can take them to the local market.

“Zambia continues to lead by example – showing that when refugees are included from the onset of an emergency, the benefits are shared by all,” said Preeta Law, UNHCR’s representative in Zambia. “We see families rebuilding their lives with dignity, but we also see thriving local markets, new opportunities, and stronger food systems. In a time of constrained global funding, Zambia’s model reminds us that inclusive policies are not just the right thing to do, they are a smart, sustainable investment.”

As the sun faded into the sky after a productive day of weeding a section of her farm, Mwaka Sangwa began walking home, carrying a large hoe on her shoulder. “I feel very happy in my heart because I can support my family,” she said.

By Moulid Hujale in Meheba, North-Western Zambia

Source: UNHHCR

The Conflict Between Alice Lenshina Mulenga and 1964 Government

Chief Editor
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The Conflict Between Alice Lenshina Mulenga and 1964 Government

BOOK REVIEW

By Mwizenge S. Tembo, Ph. D

Emeritus Professor of Sociology

Introduction

A large, excited ululating crowd had gathered and created a circle in the middle of Seleta village in Chief Magodi’s area in the Lundazi district of the Eastern Province of Zambia. In the middle of the large circle was a famous figure. I was 6 years old, and I was anxiously moving around the outer edges of the standing crowd trying to have a glimpse of the famous figure. Hundreds of adult legs were blocking my view and the view of many of us children as I tried desperately here and there to see. I failed to see the famous figure. The figure was Elesina or Lenshina as us the Tumbuka called her. The figure was Alice Lenshina Mulenga. This was in 1960 when she was touring her congregations, including at my father’s Seleta Village where converts had built a Lumpa Church Temple.

In August 1964 I was 10 years old. My family lived at Dzoole Primary School north of Chipata. My father, mother, brothers, and sisters were worried. There was tension, sadness and anxiety in our Tembo family of 9 children. For days we did not know whether we would see our second oldest 15-year-old sister Christina alive. For days there was news on the radio and many rumors that a religious war had broken out in our home district west of Lundazi including my mother and father’s Chipewa and Seleta villages. Over a total of six hundred people in our two villages alone may have been burned in their grass thatched houses, killed, and massacred. Our sister Christina at the time was attending Kanyanga Catholic Mission Girls Boarding School which was right in the heart of the religious war. That school was about ten miles or 16Kms. from our two villages. The tension was unbearable as we waited every day for what seemed like days on end. My sister came home barefoot, haggard with the only dress she was wearing. The Northern Rhodesia army had fortunately evacuated her school.

Excitement about the book

These are the reasons why since August 1964 61 years ago, I was very excited recently to buy the book: The Conflict Between Alice Lenshina Mulenga and 1964 Government. Even though I have read a great book by John Husdson, “A Time to Mourn: A Personal Account of the 1964 Lumpa Church Revolt in Zambia”, 1999, and I have gained some information about the Lumpa Church civil war over the years, there are still so many things I do not know or understand about that deadly Zambian civil war.

The book: The Conflict Between Alice Lenshina Mulenga and 1964 Government opens the very first sentence in Chapter One in a simple, plain, but dramatic way. “Alice Esther Mulenga died at 18:00 hours Zambian time on 24th October 1953 at Kasomo village of chief Nkula, Chinsali District, Northern Province of Zambia”. (p.1) The book goes on to describe how she resurrected from the dead in front of her grieving mourners. She then reported that she had received instructions from God and Jesus Christ. This is Alice Lenshina Mulenga’s dramatic beginning of perhaps the most influential spiritual and religious leader in Zambia in her short 25 years of life.

The book describes how Lenshina from her small modest Kasomo village established very strict moral and religious edicts as she successfully built the Lumpa Church that eventually had thousands if not at least a million followers. She had followers and congregations in the Northern Province around Chinsali, Luapula Province, Lundazi in the Eastern Province. Eventually she had followers in Livingstone, Lusaka, and all the way to the Copperbelt towns.

Historical Foundation

The historical foundations of the leadership of the Lumpa Church and the politically vital United National Independence Party (UNIP) in Zambia’s fight for independence from British Colonialism was deeply embedded in Chinsali in Chief Nkula. “The former Vice President Simon Kapwepwe and Alice Lenshina Mulenga were grandchildren of the great Chief Nkula, where also the first President of the Republic of Zambia Dr. Kenneth Kaunda was found among them as grandchildren of Chief Nkula”. (p.29)

This is among the many fascinating details of the rise of Alice Lenshina and how she was so closely related to the two influential UNIP and other leaders in the struggle for independence: Kenneth Kaunda and Simon Kapwepwe. She even blessed them as they moved forward in the struggle against colonialism.

What started the Civil War?

What ignited the worst deadly religious civil war in Zambian history in August 1964? The civil war started with conflicts between competing and clashing demands of the members of the United National Independence Party (UNIP) and members of the Lumpa Church. What may have started as personal individual disagreements between individual Lumpa church and UNIP

members escalated to beatings, killings, arson, violence, revenge murders and civil war. Alice Lenshina and her top leadership escaped to Angola. Thousands of Lumpa followers fled to seek refuge across the Congo or Zaire border. The new independent UNIP Kaunda government apprehended Alice Lenshina in Angola and put her in detention without trial for many years. She was released in Lusaka with restrictions. She died in 1978.


Book Strength

This book is very useful for Zambians or anyone who already had some knowledge about the tragic religious civil war in Zambia in August 1964 just as Zambia was gaining her political independence. I personally learned from the book as it answered some of the questions I had about Alice Lenshina and the deadly war between local UNIP members and her Lumpa church members. For example, I never knew that Alice Lenshina, President Kaunda, Simon Kapwepwe, and UNIP leadership together tried very hard to stop the fighting and establish peace in the villages in the affected areas. There was tremendous human suffering and death both in the villages and in the bushes many people had escaped to in fear and many died of hunger and illness in the bush. The book does describe the disintegration of the Lumpa church after the civil war. I had heard so much in my own villages about “Zione” and “Kamtola” and how some of my relatives had converted and gone to join the church at Kamtola at Zion. Survivors returned to my villages and quietly resettled.

Famous Hymn

There is a famous Lumpa Church hymn that we used to sing that I have always remembered from childhood. The beginning was:

Leader: Natulongane wonse!!!!

Congregation: Natube bana bacine………

But over the last 65 years since 1960 when I was 6 years old, I had forgotten the rest of the lyrics. I was relieved when I was able to sing again and complete the rest of the hymn as the author was able to reproduce all the lyrics of the hymn.

Natulongane bonse tube bana bachine twiba ngabalwani balya balechusha imfumu

Nefwe ngatwalishuka mulwani alipimpa

Aletufumya kuli tata

Translated:

“Let us meet together Faithful children, we should not be like Enemies who made the Lord suffer.

We are lucky Enemies are still following to separate us from God, Amen!”

The regrets I have are many. I wish I could read the findings of the commission of inquiry into the Lumpa church and the civil war. I wish I could read it as I am sure it is at the National Archives in Lusaka. I wish I had already been trained on how to conduct research in the 1960s and 70s; I would have been able to interview President Kaunda, Simon Kapwepwe, and Alice Lenshina to find out exactly what happened.

Criticisms

This book reviewer is a highly trained expert who has faced, and continues to face, the difficult challenges and agonizing circumstances for conducting meaningful research in Zambia and publishing books for 45 years ago since 1980. I am reluctant to spend too much energy dwelling on the criticisms of the book. There are many things that could have been done better. Sixty-seven pages is too short. Doing some of those things would challenge and require whoever the critics are (including this reviewer) to carry the button from the book author to conduct deeper research themselves in 2025 in order to answer more questions that arise from the book. But I am thankful that I have knowledge that I did not know before I read this book. I am very grateful to the author Mr. White Mulantwishika Phiri and the publishers.

Judge Emelia Phiri Sunkutu Suspended Over Conduct Concerns

Lusaka Times Editor
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Judge Emelia Phiri Sunkutu Suspended Over Conduct Concerns

Judge Emelia Phiri Sunkutu Suspended Over Conduct Concerns

Lusaka, Zambia – May 28, 2025

High Court Judge Emelia Phiri Sunkutu has once again been removed from the bench following a Judicial Complaints Commission (JCC) recommendation, reigniting debates over judicial accountability in Zambia.

The suspension, announced by State House and effective immediately, marks the second time Justice Sunkutu has been sidelined over misconduct allegations. A seasoned legal figure with over a decade on the bench, she currently oversees the Mansa High Court and previously served in Ndola. Her academic pedigree including law degrees from the University of Zambia and the UK’s University of Lancaster contrasts with her contentious professional trajectory, which includes prior roles as a State Advocate and legal manager at the Environmental Council of Zambia.

Her first suspension in 2013, under President Michael Sata’s administration, came alongside that of Judge Timothy Katanekwa amid undisclosed misconduct claims. Though the outcome of that tribunal was never made public, Katanekwa’s subsequent 2023 suspension and now Sunkutu’s repeat disciplinary action—suggests systemic concerns. Legal insiders note that her name has resurfaced in JCC files multiple times, with complaints citing delayed rulings and procedural irregularities.

Notably, three successive presidents Sata, Lungu, and now Hichilema have endorsed suspensions against her, dispelling notions of political targeting. “When administrations of different stripes take the same action, it signals a conduct issue, not a conspiracy,” remarked a Lusaka-based legal analyst.

President Hichilema’s administration has suspended or dismissed at least seven judicial officers since 2021, framing the moves as housecleaning for a more credible judiciary. Critics cry overreach, but proponents argue that tolerating misconduct undermines public trust.

As investigations proceed, Justice Sunkutu’s case underscores a hard truth: even the highest legal minds must answer for their professional conduct. The Zambian judiciary, it seems, is no longer a sanctuary for the untouchable.

Vice President Mutale Nalumango Delivers Keynote at Third African Water Conference in Lusaka

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Vice President Mutale Nalumango Delivers Keynote at Third African Water Conference in Lusaka

Vice President Mutale Nalumango inaugurated the Third African Implementation and Partnership Conference on Water (PANAFCON-3)in Lusaka, delivering a keynote address that underscored Zambia’s commitment to water security and sustainable sanitation across the continent.
Speaking on behalf of President Hakainde Hichilema, Vice President Nalumango emphasized the critical role of water and sanitation in Africa’s development agenda. She highlighted the necessity for bold investments, regional cooperation, and innovative financing mechanisms to ensure equitable access to clean water and dignified sanitation for all Africans.
“We must champion water and sanitation as engines of fiscal stability, job creation, and peace,” President Hichilema stated in his message, calling for a blend of public and private financing embedded in national budgets and development plans. He stressed that addressing the water and sanitation crisis is not merely a technical challenge but a test of Africa’s collective resolve.
The conference, held at the Mulungushi International Conference Centre from May 27 to 29, 2025, brings together African leaders, regional bodies, development partners, and sector stakeholders. Under the theme “Assuring Inclusive and Climate-Resilient Water Security and Sanitation for the Africa We Want,” the event aims to shape the post-2025 Africa Water Vision and Policy.
Vice President Nalumango reiterated Zambia’s dedication to enhancing inclusive transboundary and international water cooperation at all levels for peace and shared prosperity. She also highlighted Zambia’s implementation of several programs and projects related to water supply, sanitation, and hygiene interventions, including the establishment of the Zambia Water Investment Programme and the Blue Economy Strategy.

The conference also featured remarks from EU Ambassador to Zambia and COMESA, Karolina Stasiak, who acknowledged the challenges in sustainable water resource management in Zambia, particularly in rural areas. She noted the EU’s collaboration with the Zambian government through the Nexus Energy and Water Programme for Zambia (NEWZA) and support for revising key national policy instruments.
Minister of Water Development and Sanitation Collins Nzovu welcomed the African Union’s choice of “Sustainable Water Availability and Safe Sanitation Systems” as the AU theme for 2026. He emphasized that the Implementation Framework emerging from PANAFCON-3 must be bold, actionable, and grounded in the lived experiences of African communities.
PANAFCON-3 continues to serve as a pivotal platform for fostering partnerships, inspiring change, and driving investment in sanitation and hygiene across the continent

Digital Literacy Still A Challenge Among Zambian Innovators- Mutati

Chief Editor
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Digital Literacy Still A Challenge Among Zambian Innovators- Mutati

A delegation from Germany, dealing with technology and innovations, is in Zambia for a skills exchange.
The delegates are attending the Germany-Zambia Digital Innovation Forum (GIZ-DIF) courtesy of ZICTA and organised by the Ministry of Technology and Science.

Opening the forum in Lusaka , Minister of Technology and Science, Felix Mutati, said digital literacy coupled with knowledge and skills is a major challenge faced by Zambian innovators.

Mr. Mutati revealed that digital literacy currently stands at 31 percent and needs urgent redress especially in this digital era.

Mr. Mutati however said government recognises the critical role which ICTs play in attaining sustainable development.
He stressed that this is the more reason why the government has migrated to providing electronic platforms to respond to the global digital trends.

Speaking earlier, Germany Ambassador to Zambia, Annie Wagner-Mitchell, called for strong linkages in the information, communications and technology (ICT) sector between her country and Zambia.
Ms. Wagner-Mitchell said skills transfer is vital for attaining a win a 50-50 balance through innovations and technology.

Lusaka’s Leading Women Gather To Celebrate The Power Of Presence

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Lusaka’s Leading Women Gather To Celebrate The Power Of Presence

As Zambian women continue to take up space across politics, business, media, and entrepreneurship; a new era of self-definition and shared celebration is taking shape. That spirit came alive at the Brutal Fruit Spritzer Saturday Brunch, hosted in the tranquil setting of Foxdale Forest on the weekend.

The invitation-only event brought together some of the country’s most influential women and digital creators — including Mwaka Halwindi, Alina The Alchemist, Olivia Tutu, Bombshell and Anita Mwiinga together with thirty prize-winners and their guests—each bringing their bestie — attended as special guests of Brutal Fruit, following a competition held earlier in the month.

With curated experiences designed to honour the “modern muse” — a woman who is present, powerful, and poised — the brunch unfolded as an expression of feminine energy. From a gourmet brunch – with brunch boxes deliciously prepared by award-winning Chef Kat – to Brutal Fruit Spritzers and live music by Becky and top DJs including Ms Selfie, Nia B, Amma and My Boyfriend the event embodied both joy and unapologetic elegance.

But beyond the aesthetics, it was the conversations that set the day apart. A live influencer panel sparked honest dialogue around identity, ambition, and the invisible pressures women face when stepping into their power. Guests were also invited to write personal reflections on an ‘Affirmation Tree’ — a powerful visual centerpiece filled with messages of self-worth, healing, and hope.

Zambia is currently the second-largest market for Brutal Fruit globally, and this event formed part of the brand’s ongoing commitment to empowering the country’s women with spaces that are aspirational yet authentic. beautiful and deeply real.

FDD Labels Constitution Bill a Political Scam, Urges National Rejection

Lusaka Times Editor
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FDD Labels Constitution Bill a Political Scam, Urges National Rejection

The opposition Forum for Democracy and Development (FDD) has strongly condemned the proposed constitutional amendments by the UPND-led government, calling them a calculated scheme to extend President Hakainde Hichilema’s grip on power rather than a genuine effort to promote national development.

Speaking in Kabwe, FDD spokesperson Anthony Chibuye urged citizens across Zambia to resist what he described as political manipulation disguised as legal reform. He argued that the draft Constitution Amendment Bill of 2025 is neither inclusive nor developmental but simply a tool for political survival.

“This proposal is designed to serve the interests of a select few,” Chibuye declared. “The same President who danced on the grave of Bill 10 is now trying to reintroduce similar provisions, proving how inconsistent and opportunistic this administration truly is.”

Chibuye emphasized that the current economic hardships in Zambia, from overburdened healthcare systems to decaying education infrastructure reflect misplaced government priorities. He expressed concern over a ballooning public wage bill and rising expenditure, which he believes will worsen if the number of MPs increases as proposed.

“How can we even consider expanding Parliament when we can’t adequately fund hospitals or schools?” he asked. “This government is failing to provide for its people, yet it wants to accommodate more MPs, complete with hefty salaries and allowances.”

One of the key proposals under scrutiny is the idea of integrating Members of Parliament into local councils a move Chibuye said would create confusion and violate the principle of separation of powers. He warned that allowing MPs to double as councillors would concentrate power in dangerous ways.

“There must be institutional independence,” he stated. “If a minister who is also an MP sits in a council meeting, what role exactly are they playing as lawmaker, executive, or local planner? It’s a governance mess waiting to happen.”

Chibuye further accused the government of trying to sneak in amendments under the guise of inclusion, such as adding representatives for women, youth, and persons with disabilities, without committing to genuine empowerment. He challenged President Hichilema to reveal how many appointees in his administration are under the age of 35 or from marginalized groups.

“Proportional representation sounds good, but what’s the actual impact?” he asked. “Three representatives for people with disabilities in Parliament won’t transform the system. It’s window dressing.”

Another controversial clause in the proposed bill would allow ministers and MPs to remain in office up to 90 days before an election a reversal of the current practice where Parliament is dissolved three months prior to the vote. Chibuye said the timing of this change raises red flags.

“It’s becoming clear that the President is preparing for a difficult re-election,” he claimed. “These changes are not about good governance. They’re about stacking the deck.”

The FDD also accused the UPND of engineering by-elections in recent months to consolidate parliamentary numbers ahead of the constitutional amendment vote. Chibuye urged lawmakers, particularly independents and disillusioned PF MPs, to reject the bill and “put Zambia first.”

“This is not the time for political calculations,” he said. “It’s the time to defend democracy. Parliamentarians must decide whether they stand with the people or with a regime increasingly looking to entrench itself.”

Chibuye concluded by calling for an independent, participatory constitution review process not one dominated by the ruling party. He stressed that the law must reflect a national consensus, not partisan ambition.

“Zambians deserve a constitution that protects them, not politicians,” he said. “We’ve been down this road before with Bill 10. Let’s not be fooled again.”

Constitutional Overhaul or Power Play? Hichilema’s Reforms Draw Fury

Lusaka Times Editor
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Constitutional Overhaul or Power Play? Hichilema’s Reforms Draw Fury

Constitutional Overhaul or Power Play? Hichilema’s Reforms Draw Fury

Lusaka — It takes a special kind of political amnesia to oppose a constitutional amendment while in opposition, only to embrace its mirror image once in power. Yet here we are. President Hakainde Hichilema’s administration, which once railed against the excesses of the Patriotic Front’s infamous Bill 10, has now tabled its own sweeping constitutional changes bearing an uncanny resemblance to the very provisions it once decried.

The government insists these reforms—mixed-member proportional representation, an inflated Parliament (from 156 to 256 seats), and altered appointments for constitutional officeholders are about inclusivity and progress. But forgive us if we don’t join the standing ovation. When a leader who built his reputation on democratic principles suddenly pushes through major constitutional changes just a year before elections, skepticism isn’t just warranted it’s necessary.

Makebi Zulu, a constitutional lawyer and PF official, put it bluntly: “This isn’t reform; it’s a rigging mechanism disguised as democracy.” One can’t help but marvel at the irony. The man who once positioned himself as the guardian of Zambia’s democratic ideals now stands accused of weaponizing them.

And let’s talk about timing. Why the rush? Civil society, opposition parties, and even the Zambia Conference of Catholic Bishops have all questioned the urgency. Is this really about national development or about locking in political advantages before 2026?

Anthony Chibuye of the FDD cut to the heart of the matter: “While Zambians queue for mealie-meal and hospitals run out of drugs, this government’s priority is to create 100 more MPs?” Indeed, where is the evidence that a bloated legislature translates to better governance? Or is this simply a patronage scheme disguised as reform?

Former MP Sensio Banda went further, accusing the government of sidelining civil society and traditional leaders a curious move for an administration that promised transparency. “This isn’t consultation; it’s imposition,” he said. And he’s right. If these reforms were truly about the people, why the top-down approach?

Then there’s the claim that these changes are necessary for delimitation despite new constituencies like Senga Hill and Mafinga being created under existing laws. So, what’s the real motive? Could it be, as some suggest, a quiet effort to redraw political boundaries in the UPND’s favor?

The opposition must unite against what can only be described as an immoral power grab. At a time when Zambia is drowning in debt and hunger, expanding Parliament is not just tone deaf it’s reckless.

President Hichilema, meanwhile, has been conspicuously silent on the details, leaving his ministers to spin this as “modernization.” But Zambians are not fools. They remember his past rhetoric. They see the contradictions. And they will judge whether this is genuine reform or just another case of “rules for thee, but not for me.”

Zambia’s democracy stands at a crossroads. The coming months will reveal whether this administration is truly committed to progress or merely to preserving its own power. The choice, as always, will be history’s to make. But for now, the writing on the wall is clear: this isn’t reform. It’s a test and Zambians are watching.

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