The EMV Diaspora Forum turned its focus to Zambia’s mining sector on Sunday night, drawing sharp contrasts between the country’s immense mineral wealth and the meager benefits flowing to ordinary citizens.

The program, hosted on August 17th by Ambassador Emmanuel Mwamba, featured two Zambian-born mining experts with global credentials: Victor Mwaba, a U.S.-based mining industry manager who has worked with Rio Tinto and Freeport-McMoRan, and Brave Mushikita, a South Africa–based chemical engineer and CEO of PS (Pty) Ltd, with decades of smelting and refining experience.

The discussion, billed as a deep dive into “best mining practices and policies,” quickly expanded into a searching critique of Zambia’s failure to maximize benefits from copper and cobalt, even as global demand soars.

HYBRID MODELS AND POLITICAL WILL
Mwaba, who began his career underground on Zambia’s Nkana shaft before joining global giants abroad, argued for a hybrid model similar to Chile’s, where state-owned Codelco coexists with international operators. “Mining is a means to an end, not an end in itself,” he said. “We don’t mine just because copper is in our soil. We mine to enrich Zambian citizens. Without that clarity, every direction looks like the right one.”

Mushikita, drawing on his decades in smelting and acid production across Africa and Asia, agreed but pressed harder on ZCCM-IH, Zambia’s state-owned investment arm. “As long as capital is foreign, it will flow back home,” he said. “ZCCM should not just be a passive shareholder. It should be an operator. Political will is what’s missing.”

Both experts criticized Zambia’s tendency to over-incentivize foreign mining houses. Mwaba pointed to Indonesia’s policy mandating downstream processing and gradual nationalization. “Investors didn’t flee when the government took 51% of Grasberg mine. They stayed because 49% of billions is still valuable,” he said.

ELECTRICITY AND INFRASTRUCTURE GAPS
The panel also highlighted Zambia’s fragile infrastructure. “Electricity is fundamental. Mining is an ecosystem, power, roads, rail, internet,” Mushikita noted. “South Africa faced rolling blackouts, yet capacity was doubled. Why did Zambia wait for a drought before revisiting Mamba?”

Mwaba added: “We rely too much on Kariba and on God to make it rain. Industrial policy cannot be built on hope.”

CALLERS DEMAND LEADERSHIP
The conversation widened when callers phoned in from the UK and Lusaka, adding a political edge.

Patrick Chilufya, a UK-based Zambian, blamed “misplaced priorities and lack of leadership.” He recalled Kenneth Kaunda’s 1969 Matero reforms, when Zambia nationalized the mines and issued bonds to secure 51% ownership. “Today we suspend export duties on concentrates as if we have no smelting capacity. Who bewitched us?” he asked.

Dr. Fred M’membe president of the Socialist Party argued that Zambia had yet to benefit meaningfully from its copper. “Our people mined before colonialism. Today we get less from copper than Cuba earns from cigars, five billion dollars annually,” he said. “We are lucky only a third of our copper potential is exploited. Two-thirds remain. If we can’t benefit from what we have, what will we use? God did not put these minerals in Zambia for nothing.”

M’membe urged the government to tap diaspora experts like Mwaba and Mushikita for advisory roles. “They don’t need to leave their jobs abroad. Their experience is vital. They should be chairing our mining corporations and shaping policy,” he said.

ECHOES OF THE 1970s
The forum underscored a recurring theme in Zambia’s mining history: cycles of nationalization, privatization, and regret. From Kaunda’s buyout of Anglo-American managers in 1974, to the privatization wave of the 1990s, Zambia has swung between extremes, yet both Mwaba and Mushikita insisted that neither model alone will deliver lasting benefits.

“What matters is net value for Zambia,” Mwaba said. “Whether it is public or private, policies must retain wealth locally, create jobs, and build an ecosystem where contractors and equipment makers set up shop in Zambia, not just import from abroad.”

As the show concluded, Mwamba noted the urgency of the debate. Copper accounts for up to 70% of Zambia’s exports, yet most revenue escapes offshore through tax incentives, transfer pricing, and raw concentrate exports.

With global demand for copper expected to surge 25% in the next decade, both experts agreed Zambia faces a historic choice: remain a supplier of raw ore, or reclaim its legacy as a mining nation that builds towns, schools, and industries from its mineral wealth.

“This is not about nostalgia,” Mushikita said in closing. “It is about survival. If Zambia does not act now, the DRC will eat our lunch. And they already are.”

By Venus N Msyani

President Hakainde Hichilema has sparked speculation about the possibility of early elections following remarks made at the funeral of former Cabinet Minister Hon. Ackson Sejani.

Late Sejani, may his soul rest in peace, was a prominent Zambian politician. He served as a Cabinet Minister under the Movement for Multi-Party Democracy (MMD) government from 1991 to 2001 and was also a Member of Parliament for Mapatizya Constituency from 1991 until 2011.

The Honorable Sejani held various positions, including Minister of Local Government and Housing and Deputy Minister of Agriculture, Food, and Fisheries. He passed away on July 28, 2025, at the age of 67 at Netcare Garden City Hospital in Johannesburg, South Africa, after an illness.

Speaking at the Anglican Cathedral of the Holy Cross on Tuesday, August 5, 2025, President Hichilema reflected on Zambia’s democratic evolution, drawing parallels to the landmark 1991 general election that ushered in multiparty democracy.

In his tribute, the president praised Sejani’s role in shaping Zambia’s political landscape, referencing the early elections of 1991 as a pivotal moment. He acknowledged Sejani, along with Peter Machungwa, Vernon Mwaanga, and William Harrington, who attended the service, for their contributions to democratic reform.

“Sejani contributed a lot to the development of this country… This country was a one-party state for many years, and many young people today have no understanding of what that meant,” Hichilema said. “Maybe that’s why the younger generation must read a little bit, so we can protect this democracy we have.”

Hichilema recounted that while elections were held in 1988, the next were expected in 1993. However, public dissatisfaction with the one-party system led to early elections in 1991. He also shared a personal story from his university days, describing the fear of expressing political views due to government informers, a reflection of the repressive climate that fueled calls for change.

Under Zambia’s Constitution, general elections are held every five years on the second Thursday of August. However, provisions allow for early elections if public demand is strong.

While the president stopped short of explicitly calling for early polls, his reference to 1991 has been interpreted by some observers as a subtle signal. The historical parallel, coupled with Zambia’s current political climate, has raised questions about the president’s intentions.

Last year, amid economic challenges and rising living costs, former president Edgar Chagwa Lungu, may his soul rest in peace, called for early elections, a call echoed by opposition groups, including the United Kwacha Alliance (UKA). With the former president’s passing, the opposition faces a leadership vacuum and limited time to regroup ahead of the scheduled 2026 elections.

Supporters of early elections cite the 1991 precedent as justification. Hichilema’s remarks may suggest a strategic interest in advancing the timeline, especially with the opposition in disarray and public pressure mounting.

Critics, however, warn that leveraging political advantage through early elections could undermine democratic principles. They argue that democracy thrives on fair competition, not tactical maneuvering.

Adding to the speculation, the Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ) has announced that mass voter registration will begin on October 13, 2025, nearly a month earlier than the 2021 registration cycle. The timing has been interpreted by some as a possible precursor to early polls.

While early elections are not a dominant public demand, prior opposition calls could make such a move appear responsive to popular will. Hichilema’s remarks, coupled with the ECZ’s timeline, may signal more than tribute; they could be a political test balloon.