By Isaac C Mvula

Having worked closely with 11 Army Commanders, from General Benjamin N Mibenge to General Paul Mihova, spanning 32 years, I have observed that each one of them had their own style of command, management and leadership. I came to the conclusion that the most effective and successful were those who listened to the counsel of their subordinates, whether sensible or not. I worked with some Commanders that could not be advised. They displayed an ‘I know it all’ attitude. They only served to advise their advisors. Incorrigible.

General Geojago Musengule was the type of Army Commander that listened to you attentively, no matter how small you were. Even if what you were saying was not making sense to yourself, he would not shut you up. He would let you finish talking.

As a former impregnable defender in the Zambia Army Football Club, the forerunner of the former indomitable Green Buffaloes Football Club (GBFC), he knew well that in every competition, one has to carefully assess one’s strengths and weaknesses against those of the opponent, or enemy.

Civilians call it ‘SWOT Analysis.’ This is a strategic planning technique used to help a person or organization identify Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities, and Threats related to business compensation or project planning. The military call it an Appreciation. It is a worthy tool for young men seeking competitive advantage over others, in a competition over a beautiful young lady.

“You two will get me fired. But be sure that I am not going down alone. I will take you down with me,” General Musengule said to Lieutenant Colonel D M Kauseni (Brigadier General) and me, after going through a paper we had prepared. The previous day, just before cease work, around 1700 hrs, the Army Commander had summoned the two of us to his office and ordered us to burn the midnight oil and present that paper to him first thing the following morning. It was an assignment from State House. We spent the whole night working on that paper.

“Do your very best to produce a good paper that will satisfy the President,” the Commander had emphasized. Lieutenant Colonel Kauseni was GSO 1 in charge of Operations and Training, while I was GSO 2 Intelligence.

The assignment had to do with the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).

Although many people had not heard much about him before he ascended to power after overthrowing Mobutu Sese Seko on 17th May 1997, Lauren-Desire Kabila was a revolutionary of no small magnitude. This was a man who had rubbed shoulders and fought together with world renowned revolutionaries, including the famous Ernesto ‘Che’ Guevara, an Argentine Marxist revolutionary guerrilla leader and military theorist, among many things. About Kabila, Che Guevara had said, of all the people he met during his campaign in Congo, only Kabila had genuine qualities of a mass leader. So highly esteemed.

Kabila was the leader of Tutsi forces from the province of South Kivu, called the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo (AFDL), which was supported by Rwanda and Uganda. He became the third president of DRC after Mobutu ran away to Morocco, where he died in exile.

By 1998, Kabila’s former allies in Rwanda and Uganda had turned against him and backed a new rebellion of the Rally for Congolese Democracy (RCD), after feeling that their control of the Great Lakes region was under threat. The RCD forces were advancing speedily when Kabila pleaded for help from SADC.

Zambia has always been a very influential and prominent member of SADC. President F T J Chiluba of Zambia was a close personal friend of Kabila. Speculations were that it was because Chiluba had Congolese parentage, and that he had launched Kabila’s command element through Kasumbalesa, that was why Kabila pronounced his victory in ousting Mobutu, from Lubumbashi, although his major thrust was from the North.

Things were now getting hot for Kabila. Angola, Namibia, and Zimbabwe responded positively to Kabila’s call for help, and sent troops into DRC.

President Chiluba’s order to the Army Commander, was to work out how Zambia was going to help his friend Kabila. That was the order that the Commander passed to Lieutenant Colonel Kauseni and myself. Come up with an Operations Plan.

As we sat brainstorming in Colonel Kauseni’s office that evening, he asked me to provide the strengths of forces involved in the conflict. After a long time of consideration, we concluded to recommend that Zambia should not be involved in the conflict. Totally different from what we had been directed to do. We ‘knocked out’ a detailed paper justifying our position.

The following morning we went to meet the Army Commander.

“No. We can’t tell the President that we can’t go. He directed me to advise him how we will help, not whether we can or cannot,” General Musengule insisted. Colonel Kauseni requested to consider the reasons we had advanced. After reading through again, he looked up to the ceiling, with his head held in his hands.

“It makes sense, but it is not right. I cannot go and tell the Commander-in-Chief that I cannot obey his order,” he said, more to himself, than to us.

We had argued that the countries that had sent troops to DRC had good reasons for doing so. We didn’t. Angola was in it just to protect its already embattled oilfields in the Cabinda enclave up in the North. Also, it was aware that Savimbi’s UNITA forces were using the northern border to transit diamonds into DRC in exchange for arms and ammunition. Similarly, Namibia and Zimbabwe appeared to be interesting in harvesting diamonds and other precious stones and minerals from DRC. As for Zimbabwe, it was also to divert the attention of its people from the ongoing political problems it was going through back home. These were in the public domain. Africa Confidential reported extensively on that. Namibia and Zimbabwe did not share borders with DRC, so the effects of the conflict could not spill over into their territories.

As for Zambia, we noted that DRC shared borders with us in four provinces, namely, North-Western, Copperbelt, Luapula, and Northern. The spill-over effects would be catastrophic, if the conflict escalated. We would not be able to handle the situation since our troops were already stretched by other assignments. Additionally, the government was unable to adequately support local operations. How was it going to support our troops in a foreign land, with an extended logistic tail? Further, war is expensive. It would take away resources from the social sector such as health and education, to apply to the Defence Budget. It could cause much suffering among the people, thus making the government unpopular. Lastly, the arrival of body bags would cause problems among the populace.

The Commander decided to take it before his Generals, who also agreed with us. Next, he summoned other service chiefs, who also agreed with our reasoning.

“Prepare a PowerPoint presentation and the two of you should be ready to make the President at State House. I will ask for an appointment. Let me know as soon as you are ready,” the Commander directed.

We got the presentation ready and rehearsed. We accompanied the Army Commander and the other Service Chiefs to State House at around 1600 hrs. I set up my equipment in a smaller hall, ready for the presentation.

President Chiluba appeared only at 2000 hrs. His Private Secretary kept assuring us that he was around, and would be seeing us soon. When he arrived, he went straight and took his seat. We all stood up and saluted. He did not respond. He just motioned that we go ahead with the presentation. I noticed that his eyes were small, and sunken. The Army Commander introduced all of us. Lieutenant Colonel Kauseni (Brigadier General) had a field day, making the presentation. I had never seen him that confident.

When the presentation was over, the Commander asked if the Commander-in-Chief had any question. President Chiluba just stood up, and walked out, visibly annoyed.

We all remained standing, lost for what to do next, until the Private Secretary came back, about 10 minutes later, to tell us to go. The atmosphere was tense. You could hear a pin drop on that red wall-to-wall fluffy carpet.

As we walked out to our waiting cars, General Musengule joked, “Gentlemen, whoever gets the letter of dismissal, please alert the others.”

I later asked the Commander what the President had said concerning that presentation. He said nothing. Not a word.

Lauren-Desire Kabila survived that rebel onslaught, but was shot dead in his office on 16th January 2001, allegedly by one of his security. His son, Joseph Kabila, succeeded him 8 days later.

I would like to share my thoughts on the recent statement by Irene Khan, the UN rapporteur, regarding Zambia’s human rights record in which she has said and I quote:
“There has been a significant political transition with the victory of the united party for national development, and an end to a decade long rule which was marked with human rights violation”
Her acknowledgment that our country has made significant progress in enhancing human rights, particularly in comparison to the previous decade, resonates with my earlier position in which we argued that any analysis of Zambias current status in respect of the Human Rights of its citizens cannot be complete if we do not run a comparative with where we are coming from and that that is how civilized societies benchmark themselves against both history and best practice.
As I have emphasized, it is crucial to evaluate our current human rights situation in relation to our past experiences. The UN rapporteur’s statement today therefore vindicates my position, highlighting the notable strides we’ve taken towards promoting freedom of expression, assembly, and association.
However, we mustn’t become complacent. There’s still much work to be done to address the lingering challenges and ensure that our democracy continues to thrive.
I urge the government to remain committed to upholding human rights and the rule of law and to continue to strive to do much better.
Let’s continue working together towards a better Zambia for all.

By Dr.Nevers Mumba

Seeking a new Judiciary for a New Democratic Zambia

…Never ever did I feel that citizens have replaced respect for disdain, admiration for scorn, high regard for ridicule, for this group than now…

Amb. Emmanuel Mwamba wrote;

We have a people in the nation beginning to look to outsiders for help and salvation than to rely on its own internal mechanisms such as the Judiciary.The visit by the United Nations Human Rights Council Special Rapporteur, Irene Khan typifies and captures this scenario.

Today she met the “Per Incuriam” group! This was supposed to be a moment of celebrations for citizens who feel oppressed, whose rights have been violated, whose cry for an independent arbiter in their disputes and suffer oppression from abusers of human rights.

But it is a moment of silent outrage.

Sell-outs of Democracy.

I strongly think the whole group, like the Zambia Police Command, must go, for our country to be restored to the path of wellness.

Their conduct, especially the last two years, makes me believe that the next new Government must start a process where these are all made to re-apply alongside the recruitment of credible people to take some of their places.

It is unthinkable, that in my lifetime, that I would witness severe criticims of the Judiciary as happened now.

This treatment was an allotment spared for members of the Executive and Legislature and instiutions such as the Zambia Police and the Electoral Commission of Zambia where the rot occurs with contempt.

It was unthinkable that I would render a severe and critical opinion of the Judiciary.

But that is how far the rot in our country has gone, to the extent that we are at the precipice of losing our cherished Democracy as constitutional offices, such as this group, cow to fear and participate in executive schemes to undermine the rule of law and the lady Justice.

Therefore, it has now become a sacred imperative and duty that we must expose all the rot, including the violations perpetrated by the Executive that the Judiciary has actively participated in.

It is clear that the Judiciary has succumbed and has not been spared to the relentlessly decay that has infected the Executive and Legislature, in the last 60years and this rot has become septic.

In the life of our country, the Judiciary was expected to be guardians of Democracy, gate keepers of the Rule of Law, promoters of Justice, defenders of the Republican Constitution and a bulwark against tyrany and dictatorship.

But they have been active colluders and enablers of dictatorship denying even basic rights to citizens and the due process of the law such as the right to bail and bail pending appeal.

They have even created a special court, the Economic and Financial Crimes Court, a court that violate all principles of justice such as the right to due process, fairness and Justice, a court created for allegations of previous corruption only, and for targeted members of the former ruling party only.

None of their corrupt officials appear before this court.
We have witnessed this decay,year after year, government after government and now the depth of the fall of the Judiciary has reached rock bottom!

A new crop must take their place to ensure that Zambia doesn’t ever regress to the whims and caprices of dictatorship and tyranny and citizens must ensure that Zambia grows to become a thriving and flourishing Democracy as envisioned in 1964 and 1991.

A new crop must take their place so that Zambians should never look to foreigners and outsiders to resolve their own disputes and issues that arise, but must resort and have faith in their own internal mechanisms such as strong democratic institutions and an independent Judiciary.

See Where Hakainde Hichilema Stands

By Field Ruwe EdD

Success of a president is linked to the concept of self-reliance. With the exception of one president who came close to optimizing national resources and enhancing domestic revenue, subsequent presidents have failed, in their first two years, to devise a comprehensive strategy that fosters self-reliance as an organizing principle. Who is the president that came close, and who is the one that completely failed? Here are the results of a comprehensive survey conducted by Zambia Development Institute (ZDI). Presidents are ranked from best to worst.

1. KENNETH KAUNDA (1964-1991)
Love him or hate him, Kenneth Kaunda stands as the sole Zambian president who enacted significant reforms that led to profound transformations in the nation’s self-reliance. He initiated his leadership with a vision of a self-reliant people bequeathed with mineral and natural resources.
Upon assuming office, Kaunda redirected the trajectory of Zambia’s development by establishing the University of Zambia within a two-year period (1965-1967) and completing its construction by the end of 1970. Tapping on the expertise of the 109 university graduates at the time of independence, including Professor Lameck Goma, Kaunda dedicated the nation to the pursuit of self-reliance and initiated efforts to instigate transformative changes across various sectors of Zambian society.

In 1968, Kaunda initiated the Mulungushi Reforms, which sought to transform Zambia’s mono-economy into a more diversified system through the nationalization of various industries. This involved securing a 51% stake in significant and medium-sized multinational companies. Following this, he directed a portion of the revenue generated from copper towards the development of manufacturing facilities managed by Zambians, aimed at benefiting the Zambian people.
Kaunda, with his visionary approach, sought the assistance of UNZA’s inaugural graduates to establish and oversee factories across each of Zambia’s seven provinces. This collaborative effort resulted in the swift development of a diverse range of industries within the country, including the Livingstone Motor Assembly plant, the Kawambwa tea factory, the Mansa battery factory, Mununshi Banana production, the Chipata bicycle factory, the Kapiri Mposhi glass factory, the Mulobezi Timber plant, and the Mwinilunga Pineapple canning factory. By January 1970, these initiatives provided rural residents and villagers with a reliable source of income. Since that time, none of the six Zambian presidents have matched Kaunda’s level of innovation.

2. LEVY MWANAWASA (2002-2008)
Levy Mwanawasa is regarded as Zambia’s best president by many Zambian scholars because of his leadership style that was more collaborative, empathetic, and ethical. He demonstrated a personal and political transformation that centered on self-reliance. However, his “New Deal” initiative lacked a cohesive and integrated strategy to address the multifaceted aspects of a comprehensive self-reliant program.
Mwanawasa was a staunch advocate for prioritizing agriculture as the cornerstone of the national economy, directing $53 million to support this initiative. A key component of his strategy involved the construction of dams to improve irrigation, which he considered vital for the agricultural sector in Zambia. His leadership approach significantly contributed to enhancing the health, economic well-being, and self-sufficiency of various communities throughout the country.

Mwanawasa, like Kaunda, gathered a group of scholars and specialists to advise him. He established a clear separation of duties between the Zambian police and the military, fostering a professional security sector free from political interference, which he considered a crucial aspect of national revitalization.
Mwanawasa’s New Deal came to untimely end with his passing in 2008. At the time of his death, advancements toward self-reliant were limited. However, his administration did achieve a notable economic growth rate of 5%, increased foreign currency reserves to US$1.4 billion, and recorded the lowest inflation rate in three decades. It is important to highlight that Mwanawasa played a key role in promoting substantial investments in infrastructure initiatives undertaken by Chinese companies.

3. MICHAEL CHILUFYA SATA (2011-2014)
Michael Sata, despite being a politically astute yet somewhat coarse figure with a confrontational personality, possessed a distinctive vision of self-reliance that is currently facilitating enhanced mobility and connectivity in both urban and rural regions. His aspiration was to reshape Zambia into a country marked by comprehensive road connectivity by the year 2017.
To actualize this vision, Sata launched the 8000 Zambia Accelerated National Roads Construction Program (ANRCP) in his first year of presidency. The main aim of this initiative was to enhance road infrastructure, encompassing the repair and upgrading of existing road networks. From 2011 to 2014, road construction initiatives represented 42 percent of the overall spending on non-financial assets.
Sata’s program attracted more Chinese contractors who engaged with Zambian government officials to secure contracts and offer loans intended to support road construction projects. The development of road infrastructure is essential for achieving self-reliance, as it promotes the efficient transportation of goods and individuals. This, in turn, enhances trade, draws in investments, encourages tourism, and guarantees access to critical services like healthcare and education.

Sata is ranked third primarily because of his image as “a man of action.” He implemented effective governance and inclusive policies that cultivated a transparent, market-oriented economy, attracting both local and foreign investors. Additionally, he reinvigorated initiatives aimed at reducing corruption. In 2012, the Zambian government received global acclaim for successfully issuing a US$750 million Eurobond. By the time of his death, Zambia’s GDP had achieved an unprecedented level of US$27.07 billion, a significant accomplishment realized in just three years.

4. RUPIAH BANDA (2008-2011)

Rupiah Banda rose to the presidency during a period of interregnum, taking office without an official mandate or a clearly defined independent strategic vision. In his inaugural address, Banda expressed his intention to base his national development agenda on Mwanawasa’s self-reliance principle, asserting, “I do not want people to think of Zambia as a Third World country with a begging bowl, because we are not. I want to empower all Zambians. I want people to think of Zambia as a prosperous and confident nation. I want to move from hand-outs to hand-ups.”

The first two years of Banda’s presidency were characterized by significant economic expansion, reaching a notable peak of 10.3% in 2010, comparable to the growth rates observed during President Kaunda’s administration in the early 1970s. Conversely, this exceptional economic progress faced a dramatic downturn between 2010 and 2011, falling to 5.6%.

Some Zambian economists contend that the downturn in Banda’s economic performance can be traced back to 2009, a year in which he strayed from the principle of self-reliance by entering into a US$3.6 billion agreement with Zhonghui Mining Group for the development of copper reserves. This agreement is seen as the onset of the rise in Zambia’s debt to China. In the end, Banda’s lack of vision caused the country’s GDP to slump to US$ 15.33 billion in 2010 from Mwanawasa’s US$17.91.

According to the 2011 Gallup Poll on African leaders conducted from April 15 to April 29, Banda received a 53% disapproval rating and was ranked 28 out of 34 African leaders in the area of governance. The same poll adjudged Banda among the worst performing African leaders. Fortunately, he salvaged the little integrity at the end of his reign when he acknowledged defeat and handed over the instruments of power to Sata.

5. EDGAR LUNGU (2015-2021)

An interregnum president like Banda, Edgar Lungu failed to inspire and lacked the essential vision required to steer Zambia towards self-reliance. Lungu should be placed at the bottom of the rankings as the worst president; nevertheless, his position is somewhat mitigated by the results of the 2024 Afrobarometer survey, which shows that a significant portion of the Zambian population is dissatisfied with the current economic climate and the country’s overall direction. The survey indicates that most Zambians believe their living standards have declined compared to those in 2020. This context offers Lungu a bragging right.

During his six-year reign, Lungu prioritized infrastructure development, much of which was already in progress. However, this focus led to excessive borrowing, placing Zambia on the brink of default due to an unsustainable external debt burden of $12 billion. The resulting debt default allowed Chinese and international creditors to exert control over the nation’s copper, gold, uranium, cobalt, land resources, and significant state-owned enterprises.

By the conclusion of his presidency, Lung had propelled the economy into a pronounced decline marked by critical macroeconomic challenges, notably double-digit inflation that reached a peak of 22.2%. Consequently, a considerable segment of the Zambian populace experienced extreme poverty, with 68% surviving on merely $1.70 per day and 28% subsisting on less than 30 cents.

6. HAKAINDE HICHILEMA (2021-present)

Hakainde Hichilema, who previously articulated a compelling vision for Zambia during his presidential campaign—one that emphasized a self-sufficient citizenry enjoying equitable opportunities across diverse ethnic groups within a free and democratic framework—has emerged as the most disappointing of all the presidents because much was expected from him.

In the three years of his reign, Bally the Fixer” has not come close to conceptualizing and propagating a tangible “self-reliance” concept that is a major alternative to the associative models of development advanced by developed nations. Instead, he has continued to depend on foreign aid and external investment that supersede Zambia’s goal of self-reliance.

According to survey conducted by Afrobarometer team of Zambia, led by the Institute of Economic and Social Research (INESOR), nearly 73% of the 1200 adult citizens of Zambia interviewed between July 8 and July 28, 2024, said Zambia’s economic condition is “fairly bad” or “very bad” while two-thirds (66%) feel the same about their personal living conditions.

Loadshedding has undoubtedly placed Hichilema in a perilous situation. His inability to effectively address the cataclysmic daily occurrence is at the core of the decline of his power.
The repercussions of loadshedding on the economy are profound, leading to diminished productivity across various sectors, heightened expenses associated with alternative energy sources, damage to equipment, and pushing numerous businesses towards insolvency. When the total financial losses are assessed, they amount to billions of dollars, and adversely affect the nation’s GDP.

Part of Hichilema’s poor ranking stems from the fact that he has not succeeded in revitalizing the mining sector and other industries that are the biggest employers and the fundamental pillars of the nation. Instead, he has opted to engage in practices akin to those of the contentious Zambia Privatization Agency, where he previously led the negotiation team and still faces allegations of personal gain.

Hichilema’s failure is evidenced in how he has ditched his campaign promises and resorted to weakening the opposition and curtailing freedom of expression. Similar to Edgar Lungu, Hichilema has also mysteriously lost his way and started inciting the police. The tragedy of this is that he has already instituted a reign of terror through arbitrary arrests and threats that have attracted the attention of the Human Rights Commission.

Hichilema’s lust for power is contained in his recent quote; “If police fail to maintain order, I will use the military.” Such a bloodbath comment has exposed Hichilema as a dangerous president who has lost the balance required for good leadership. This is another major reason he is at the bottom of the rankings. No Zambian president has attempted to civilianize the military to bolster or safeguard his personal power, regardless of the circumstances at hand.

7. FREDERICK CHILUBA (1991-2002)

First democratically elected president Frederick Chiluba is Zambia’s president who cared less about self-reliance. Seen as a champion of democracy and free-market reforms, Chiluba embarked on the privatization of the nation’s copper mines and the reduction of currency regulation. While his approach decreased inflation to its lowest level in twenty years, what seemed to be a promising example of democratic progress in Africa ultimately resulted in one of the most self-serving reigns of a president.

As Chiluba consolidated his power, he increasingly deviated from the tenets of good governance, redirecting funds obtained from privatization and the sale of state assets into the Zamtrop account for personal gain. His transformation from rugs to riches was exemplified by a lavish shopping spree at Boutique Basile in Geneva, where he reportedly spent $1.2 million.

Chiluba’s extravagant expenditures resulted in an assorted collection of 349 monogrammed shirts, 206 designer jackets and suits, and 72 pairs of size-6 shoes. In 2007, a court in the UK determined that Chiluba was liable of embezzling $46 million. Judge Peter Smith of the London High Court condemned Chiluba for his overt dishonesty towards his constituents and for flaunting his affluence through a wardrobe of “stupendous proportions.”

Similar to Hichilema, Chiluba reneged on his commitment to uphold freedoms concerning the press and association, leading to the arrest of opposition party leaders on fabricated charges. Under Chiluba’s repressive regime, Zambia witnessed the suspicious and untimely deaths of numerous prominent individuals, including Baldwin Nkumbula, Paul Tembo, Ronald Penza, Wezi Kaunda, and Cuthbert Nguni. Kenneth Kaunda narrowly escaped an assassination attempt.

Ultimately, Chiluba’s tenure resulted in the nation reaching one of the lowest economic standings globally. Upon his departure from office, the free-market reforms he implemented had not succeeded in establishing enduring economic stability. The unemployment rate remained around 20 percent, while over 80 percent of the country’s 12 million inhabitants subsisted below the poverty threshold, earning less than one dollar daily. He exited office with a poverty rate of 80%, a significant increase from Kaunda’s 56%.

Please Note: I am not a social media influencer but a scholar practitioner-cum-pracademic. A pracademic is a person who has both academic and practical identities and experiences in their field. My Doctor of Education in Organizational Leadership from Northeastern University, Boston, Massachusetts, U.S., qualifies me as such. As a professional degree is awarded in medicine and law, so is one awarded in education. In other words, like them, I am also just doing my job. So, Help Me God. The rights to this article belong to ZDI (Zambia Development Institute), a US-based think tank.